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L.SOG. 120. 15.8.^
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY
PEABODY MUSEUM OF AMERICAN
ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
GIFT OF *%
Alfred r* Toz2er
Rcedved iiarch 7, 1907
1
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A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE MAYAS
AND THE LACANDONES
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atci^aeological Slnisitftute of ^metica
REPORT OF THE FELLOW IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY
1902-1905
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF
THE MAYAS AND THE LACANDONES
7
BY
ALFRED M. TOZZER, Ph.D.
NEW YORK
PUBLISHED FOR THB ARCHAEOLOGICAL IN8TITUTB
OF AMERICA BY
Elje JHacmillan Compang
64-66 Fifth Avenue
LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd.
1907
I
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1 , '9' 7.
J S. Gushing & Co. — Berwick & Smith Ca
Norwood. Mass., U.S.A.
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PREFACE
The following report is based upon the field work carried
on principally in Yucatan and Chiapas, Mexico, during the
years 1902, 1908, 1904, and 1905 as Fellow in American Arche-
ology of the Institute. A more detailed account of the exact
time and places where the work was undertaken may be found
in the brief reports that I have given each year to the Com-
mittee of American Archseology and published in the Supple-
ments to the American Journal of Archceology^ Vols. VI, VII,
VIII, and IX.
The report is entirely ethnological in character. The former
Maya culture is touched upon only in relation to that found
at the present time. Where there is any connection between
the two this has been brought out, but no attempt has been
made to sketch any phase of the ancient culture.
The linguistic part of the report is not included in the
present volume. As it forms a unit in itself, it will be pub-
lished as a separate contribution. It will include a treatment
of the Maya grammar together with a comparative study of
the Maya, Tzeltal, Choi, and Chontal dialects of the Maya
stock.
I desire at this time to express my appreciation and thanks
to the three original members of the Committee on American
Archseology, Mr. Charles P. Bow ditch. Chairman, Professor
F. W. Putnam, and Professor Franz Boas. To Mr. Bowditch,
through whose initiative and aid the Traveling Fellowship in
American Archaeology was founded, and to Professor Putnam,
both of whom have given unsparingly of their time in advice
and counsel both before and during the four years of the
Fellowship, and to Dr. Boas, who has been of great aid in his
advice on the linguistic side of the work, I am deeply grateful.
I owe special thanks to Mr. Edward H. Thompson, American
Consul at Progreso, Yucatan, for the many weeks spent on
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vi PREFACE
his delightful plantation at Chichen Itza, and to Mr. and Mrs.
W. M. James of Merida for their many acts of kindness. To
Don Audomaro Molina and Don David Casares and their
families, I am grateful for an insight into the life of the
capital of Yucatan.
My actual field work would have been doubly arduous but
for the kind attentions and hospitality of friends connected
with many of the large mahogany companies in southern
Chiapas. The Compania Mexicana Sud-Oriental of Belgium
through Mr. Luis Pelegrinni, Mr. Robert Herzog, and Mr.
Alfonso Altes ; the American Trading Company of New York
through Mr. Pedro V. Rubio and Mr. D. N. Carrington ; the
Compafda Romano of San Juan Bautista, Chiapas, through
Don Roman Romano, the Vice President, and Don Domingo
Morgadanes; and the Bulnes Company, also of San Juan,
through Don Enrique and Don Quentin Bulnes, have all placed
many facilities of travel at my disposal.
This is not the time and place to enlarge upon the obliga-
tions I feel myself under to each and every one of the persons
named, in addition to a large number of others. It is always
a regret that the conditions of the country are such that, in
many cases, one is compelled to accept hospitality and favors
which he can never hope to repay.
A. M. T.
Harvard Univbrsitt,
June, 1906.
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CONTENTS
PA08
Pbbfacb V
Introduction 1
Maya and Lieu^ndone 1
Maya and Lacandone, linguistically considered 1
Name and derivations 3
Habitat 4
Number 6
History (summary) , 7
Mayas and Yucatan 7
Lacandones and Chiapas 12
Habitat 14
Position •14
Archaeological remains 14
Orography 16
Rivers 16
Soil 17
Geological formation 17
Rainfall 18
Seasons ^ ... 18
Climate . 18
Mineral wealth . . . . , . ' 19
Flora 19
Fauna 22
Pbrsonal Characteristics 24
Physical 24
Stature and head form 24
Physical strength 24
Color of skin and hair ; texture of hair 25
Health . .26
Artificial flattening of head 26
Mental 27
Intellect 27
Morality 27
Condition on the haciendas of Yucatan 27
Drunkenness 28
Clothing 29
Lacandones 29
Mayas 31
Social Charactbristiob 33
External relations 33
vU
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viii CONTENTS
PAOB
SooiAL Chabacteristics (corU.)
External relations {corU.)
Lacandones • 32
Isolation and its causes 34
Mayas 36 •
Permanence of language 36
Interrelations 37
Internal relations 38
Permanent settlements 38
Descent and inheritance 3&
Family imperfectly constituted 39
Totemic divisions and their locations 40
Divisions as regards precedence in birth 42
Political life 43
Honor paid to chief of settlement 44
Family life 44
Leadership 44
Morality 46
Marriage rite 45
Polygyny 45
Fecundity 46
Naming of children 46
Puberty rites 47
Mortuary customs 47^
Ideas of future life 47
Sociology of Mayas 49
Industrial Activity 61
Agriculture 61
Food and the preparation of food 61
Crops 63
Hunting 53
Fishing 64
Navigation . 54
Weaving 55
Cloth making 55
Hammocks and carrying nets 56
Baskets 57
Manufacture of bows and arrows 57
Varieties of arrows 59
Flint chipping 60
Arrow release 61
Arrows as ceremonial objects 61
Pottery making 62 '
Mayas as potters 62
Lacandones as potters 62
Apiculture 63
Fire making 63
House building 63
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CONTENTS IX
PAOB
Abtistig Activitt 65
Decoration .65
Absent among the Mayas 65
Gourds for food and drink among the Lacandones .... 65
Figure of winged serpent on cliff at Lake Petha .... 69
Sacred incense-burners of the Lacandones 69
Ceremonial gourd rattle 70
Ceremonial robe 70
Sacred hut, or hermita 72
Personal decoration . . . . » 72
Music 73
Games 76
Dancing 77
Religion 79
Lacandones 79
Ideas expressed 79-
General character 80
Gods 80
Number 80
Character and attitude toward the natives 81
Residence 81
Pilgrimages 81
Finding of incense-buiTiers 81
Connection with ancient culture 81
Use by Lacandones 84
Survival of older form 85
Changes of form 85
Representation 87
Idols of stone 87
How obtained 88
Their place in the incense-burners . . . . .88
Renewal of braseros, or incense-burners ... 89
Functions of the braseros 89
Detailed description of braseros 89
Different types 90
Sacred hut 91
Great secrecy and privacy observed 92
Names of gods 93
Those represented in an encampment 99
Mode of selection 99
Divination by leaf 100
Divination by hands 100
Use to determine offering 101
Kinds of offering 102
Possession of set of idols and braseros 103
Priestly duties 104
Ceremonies . . . . , 105
Women excluded 105
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X CONTENTS
PAOK
Religion (cont)
Lacandones {conL)
Ceremonies (corU,)
General form 105
Renewal rites for hraseros 105
Time of year 106
Preparation 106
Braseros, braseritos, and dram 107
Number in an encampment 107
Shelter erected 108
Method of manufacture 108
Akna, the handled incense-burner . .110
Ceremonial robe Ill
Interior of ceremonial hut Ill
Stages to every offering made to the braseros . . . .116
Character of chants 117
Daily gift of po8oZ to old &ra«eros 117
CopaZ placed in the incense bowls 118
t/icara« of po8oZ placed .119
Shell blown at east of sacred hut 119
Posol administered to brctseros, to the east of hut, to those
on the shelf, and to the ceremonial drum . .119
Shell blown at east of hut 120
Copal lighted in incense-burners 120
Chant with leaves in smoke of incense . . . .121
Chant over members of family with leaves . . .121
Second administration of posoZ 122
Variations of rite . * 122
Po«oZ distributed 122
Rite of offering baltie, boliwa, meat, and fillets to the old
braseros 123
Preparation 123
Makmgbaltie 123
Chant during fermentation 125
Purification 125
Board of nodules of copal 126
Male and female nodules 126
Survival of form 126
Purification 127
Jar filled with baltie 128
Bnliwa placed before the braseros and idols . .128
Mixture of cocoa placed 128
Nodules of copal placed 128
Baltie and cocoa placed in jicaras 128
Jar refilled 129
Second and third set of jtcaros of baltie placed before the
braseros 129
Bai^ fillets offered 129
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CONTENTS xi
PAOB
BSLIOION {COfUS)
Lacandones {conU)
Ceremonies {conU)
Benewal rites for braseros (cont.)
Rite of offering baltie, etc. (^corU.)
Baltie administered to braseros and other points . 120
Jicaras of baltie aroond jar distributed .... 130
Women enter sacred inclosure 180
Second administration of baltie from Jicaras around jar . 190
Shell blown at east of hut 130
Boliwa offered 130
Baltie before braseros offered 131
Board of nodules offered at east of hut .... IdT^
Drum beaten 131
Potion of baltie to all present 132
Board of nodules offered inside hut 132
Second potion of baltie to all present .132
Third administration of baltie from jicaras around jar . 132
Nodules distributed in braseros 132
Dishes of meat placed 133
Jicaras refilled around jar 133
Fourth administration from jicaras around jar . 133
«/tcara« of baltie around jar distributed . . .133
New fire kindled 133
Palm leaves distributed 134
Copal nodules in incense bowls lighted . .134
Chant with leaves in smoke of incense .... 134
Third potion of baltie given to all 134
Chant with leaves over family 134
Meat offered 135
Baltie and meat administered to the braseros and the
other points 135
Fifth administration of baltie from the jicaras around
the jar 135
Jicaras around jar distributed 185
Period of general drinking 135
Obligatory drunkenness 136
Piercing ear with stone point 137
Placing body over fire of copal 137
Boliwa and meat distributed among those present . 137
Women enter sacred inclosure 138
General feasting begins 138
Necessity of consuming all the baltie . . . .138
Fillets distributed 138
Last offering of posol to old braseros , , . . 138
New braseros and braseritos brought in . . . .138
Condition of old braseros 139
Cleaned and idols extracted 139
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xii CONTENTS
PAOB
Religion {cont,)
Lacandones {cont,)
Ceremonies {cont.)
Renewal rites for braseros {cont.)
Rite of offering baltie, etc. {conU)
Old braseros placed at one side of hut . • • . 140
New braseros installed in their place 140
Offering of baltie 140
Idol placed in bowl of incense-burner .... 140
Board of nodules made 140
Offering of achiote 141
Spots painted 141
Second day in life of new braseros 141
Offering of posol 142
Third day, offering of baltie 142
Tamales of com placed 142
Jar filled with baltfte from hollow log . . . . 142
Jicaras of baltfte placed before braseros and braseHtos . 142
Shell blown at east of hut 142
Baltic administered to sacred olios 142
Nodules of copal placed and spattered with baltie . 142
Baltse distributed in jicaras from those around jar . 142
Cigars made of first tobacco and offered .... 142
Second administration of baltie 143
Distribution of baltie from jicaras around jar . . .143
Third administration of baltie 143
Jicaras of posol brought in and offered .... 143
Fourth administration of baltie 143
Nodules of copal offered at east of hut .... 144
Nodules of copal offered inside hut 144
Fillets of bark offered 144
Nodules of copal distributed in braseros and braseritos . 144
New fire made 144
Nodules of copal lighted . . . . . . . 144
Different articles painted with achiote .... 144
Chanting with leaves in smoke of incense .... 144
Chanting with leaves over family 144
Offering of frejoles placed 144
Tamales and frejoles offered 144
Necessity of giving first fruits 145
Tamales and frejoles administered 145
Baltie in jicaras before sacred ollas^ tamales^ and fre-
joles distributed 145
An exchange of offerings 145
Fillets and cigars distributed 145
Fourth day in life of new braseros 145
Offering of posol and balls of ground com . . . 145
Fifth day 145
Offering of posol and cocoa 145
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CONTENTS xiii
PAOB
Rblioion {eorU.^
Lacandones (cent.)
Ceremonies {cont.)
Renewal rites for braseros (conL)
Sixth day 145
Offering of poaol and balls of gro«iid oom . . 145
Seventh day 145
Offering of posol and cocoa 145
New braseros placed on shelf ...... 146
Ceremonial hut carefully swept 146
Old braseros placed in nets and carried to cliff . . . 146
Braseritos carried and deposited at Petha . . .147
End of rite 147
Rite on undertaking a journey 147
Nodules made 147
Chant with leaves in smoke of incense 147
Chant over members of family about to depart . . .147
Simple offering of copal 148
Pilgrimage to home of a god 148~^
Journey 148
Celebration of rite 149
Divinatory rite in woods 150
Mayas 151
Many survivals of ancient rites 151
Causes of success of Spanish missionaries 151
Catholic religion in Yucatan 152
I Cosmical conceptions 153
' Four periods to history of the earth 153
Seven heavens above the earth and their inhabitants . . .154
Other spirits among the Mayas 156
Ceremonies 159
Offering to Catholic santo« 160
Harvest rite 160
Baltie offered 160
Nine tora7;a< made . 160
Offering to four cardinal points 161
Rite in milpa to spirits of the winds 161
Rite for rain 162
General ceremony for rain 162
Rite on departure for hunting 162
CorraZ rite 162
Divination 163
By crystal 163
By com 163
By ring 164
New fire rite 164
^Conclusions 164
Chants 169
BiBLIOORAPHT 191
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LIST OF PLATES
FLATS
L Diego de Landa, first Bishop of Yucatan.
IL 1. Usomacinta River above Tenosique.
2. Usumacinta River above Tenoeique.
nL 1. Grand Cenote at Cbichen Itza.
2. Lacandone woman carrying child on hip.
IV. 1. Group of Lacandones from Petha.
2. Group of Lacandones from the Lacantun River,
v. 1. Lacandone bark dress.
2. Lacandone mother and child.
VI. 1. Lacandone boy and girl.
2. Two Maya women and child.
VIL 1. Maya from Chichen Itza.
2. Two Biayas in working costume.
VUL 1. Lacandone settlement from the east.
2. Lacandone settlement from the south.
8. Shelter of the Lacandones.
IX. 1. Maya woman grinding com.
2. Maya woman molding and baking tortillas,
X, 1. Lacandone shooting with native bow and arrowa «
2. Lacandone youth shooting fish with bow and arrows.
XI. 1. Lacandone woman spinning.
2. Lacandone woman weaving.
XII. 1. Lacandone loom.
2. Lacandone hammock.
XnL 1. Front of the ceremonial robe of the Lacandones.
2. Back of the ceremonial robe of the Lacandones.
3. Maya woman modeling a pot.
XIY. 1. Lacandone shell necklace.
2. Olla used in collecting the soot from burning copcU,
3. Lacandone native oboe.
XV. 1. Design on ceremonial robe of the Lacandones.
2. Typical Lacandone incense-burner.
XVI. 1. Incense-burner from Labna, Yucatan.
2. Incense- burner from Cozumel, east of Yucatan.
3. Incense-burner from the Hondo River, British Honduras.
4. Incense-burner from the Hondo River, British Honduras.
6. Lacandone incense-burner.
XV
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XVI
LIST OF PLATES
PULTB
XVn. 1. Incense-bnrner from the State of Oazaca.
2. Head of an incense-burner from the south of Yaxchilan.
5. Head of an incense-burner from the south of Yaxchilan.
4. Incense-burner from the south of Yaxchilan.
6. Incised incense-burner of the Lacandones.
XVIIL 1. Mayas dancing.
2. Lacandone offering two braseritos in a rite.
XIX. 1. Clay animal of the Lacandones.
2. Smallest type of the Lacandone incense-burner.
8. Handle of an incense-burner from the Ulloa River, Honduras.
4. Wooden bark beater.
XX. 1. Interior of ceremonial hut of the Lacandones from the northeast.
2. Ceremonial drum of the Lacandones.
8. Lacandone chanting before old braseros.
XXI. 1. Incense-burner, offering of baltie, leaves, and a cigar.
2. Lacandone chanting with leaves.
XXII. 1. Lacandone youth with his share of offering of posol,
2. Lacandones making baltie.
3. Two logs containing baltie.
XXIIL 1. Board for offering nodules of copaL
2. Nodule of copal found in Yucatan.
8. Nodule of copal found in Yucatan.
XXIV, 1. Leader in rite sitting before jar of baltie.
2. Jar containing baltie.
8. Lacandone offering board of nodules of copal.
XXV. 1. Lacandone with slain monkey.
2. Lacandone making ceremonial fire.
XXVI. 1. Lacandone with spotted poncho and ceremonial fillet
2. Interior of sacred hut from the northwest.
XXVTL 1. Interior of sacred hut from the south.
2. Lacandones carrying out the **dead'^ braseros.
XXVin. Three aUantes from Chichen Itza.
XXIX. 1. Three Mayas offering posol to the spirits of the wind.
2. Maya offering posol.
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN TEXT
FIO. PAOB
1. Woman weaving, from Codex \ 66
2. Lacandone bow and arrows 58
3. Package of flint flakes for arrow points 60
4. Incised designs on jicaras for baltie 66
5. Incised designs on jicaras for baltie 66
6. Incised designs on jicaras for baltie 66
7. Incised designs on jicaras for baltie 67
8. Incised designs on jicaras for baltie 67
9. Incised designs on jicaras for baltie 67
10. Incised design of men on jicaras 67
11. Incised design of men on jicaras 67
12. Incised design of men on jicaras 67
18. Incised designs on jicaras for baltie 68
14. Incised designs on jicaras for baltie 68
15. Incised designs on jtcara« for baltie 68
16. Incised figure on cliff, Lake Petha 68
17. Painted figures on cliff, Lake Petha 69
18. Figure from Codex showing face painting 73
19. Lacandone gourd rattle s ... 75
20. Figure with rattle, from Codex 75
21. String figure of chicken's foot 76
22. String figure, ** sawing wood*' 76
23. Stick game of the Mayas 77
24. Jade idol of the Lacandones 87
25. Idol inside jar, from Codex 88
26. Lacandone incense-burner, Petha type 91
27. Offering in bee nte, from Codex 98
28. Molding or carving incense-burner or idol, from Codex . . . 109
29. Baking incense-burner, from Codex 109
30. Painting idol or incense-burner, from Codex 109
31. Painting idol or incense-burner, from Codex 109
32. Handled incense-burner of the Lacandones 110
33. Plan of interior of sacred hut, or hermita 112
34. Figure in Codex offering leaves 121
35. Top of male nodule of copal 125
36. Male nodule of copal^ side view 126
37. Female nodule of copal, side view 126
38. Copal offered in bowls, from Codex 126
39. Figure gathering rubber, from Codex .127
40. Jar for baltie, from Codex 127
xvii
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xviil LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PIG. PAOB
41. Figure ofiFering board of nodules of copal, from Codex . . .131
42. Figure offering board of nodules of copal , from Codex . . .131
43. Blood rite, from Codex 136
44. Figure showing drunkenness, from Codex 137
45. Carrying the incense-burner, from Codex 139
46. Incense-burner or idol covered witti copal, from Codex . . . 139
47. Figure offering meat to incense-burner or idol, from Codex . . 140
48. Figure offering com to incense-burner or idol, from Codex . . .140
49. Smoking rite, from Codex 143
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LIST OF CHANTS
NO. PAOB
1. A Bet of bow and arrows offered to the gods when a boy arrives at the
age of puberty 169
2. Eclipse of son 169
3. Divination for name of god whose presence is desired .... 170
4. Divination for name of offering desired by the gods . . . .171
5. DistribaUon of copal in the braseroa during the process of the manu-
facture of the new incense-burners 171
6. An offering of posol placed in jicaras before the line of hraseroM . . 178
7. An offering of posd administered to the hraaeros .... 173
8. An offering of posol administered to the brasero of UBokan . . 174
9. An offering of posol offered at the east of the sacred hut . . . 174
10. An offering of posol administered to the braseros on the shelf . .174
11. An offering of posol administered to the drum, Qalyum . . . 174
12. Palm leaves distributed to the participants in the rite . . . .175
18. Palm leaves held over the smoke of the burning incense . . . 175
14. Chant over a young boy with the palm leaves consecrated in the smoke
of the incense 175
15. A jicara of posol distributed to each of the participants . • . 176
16. Individual offering of a particle of the gift of posol • . • • 176
17. Chant given during the fermentation of the ceremonial drink . . 177
18. Purification of the ceremonial drink contained in the hollow log • . 178
19. Purification of the nodules of copcU 178
20. An offering of baltse and cacao placed before the braseros . . 179
21. An offering of bark fillets to the gods 179
22. Baltie administered to the &ra««ros in behalf of the gods ... 180
28. An offering of baltie at the east of the sacred hut . . • .181
24. A jicara of baltie distributed to each of the participants . • . 181
25. Answer of those receiving the gift of baltie 181
26. A jicara of baltie given to each of the members of the family of the
leader of the rite 181
27. Individual offering of a small portion of the gift of baltie . . .181
28. Buliwa offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods . . . .181
29. Baltie offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods .... 182
80. The nodules of copal about to be offered to the gods . . . .182
81. The nodules of copal offered at the east of the ceremonial hut . . 182
82. The nodules of copal offered to the braseros inside the ceremonial hut
in behalf of the gods 183
88. The nodules of copal distributed in the braseros . , . . .183
84. An offering of meat placed before the braseros in behalf of the gods . 184
zix
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XX LIST OF CHANTS
NO. PAOB
35. A potion of the ceremonial drink given to the leader .... 184
36. A gift of meat offered to the braaeros in behalf of the gods . . . 184
37. An offering of meat and bnliwa administered to the braseros . 184
38. The offering of meat and bnliwa presented at the east of the ceremo-
nial hut 185
39. The offering of meat and bnliwa distributed to the participants . . 185
40. Individual offering of a particle of the gift of meat and bnliinra . . 185
41. The last offering of posol to the old braseros 186
42. The old braseros cleaned and the idols removed 186
43. The first offering made to the new braseros and the idol placed inside
the bowl 186
44. An offering of posol given to the new braseros in behalf of the gods . 187
45. An offering of baltse administered to each of the braseritos . 187
46. An offering of baltfte given to the ceremonial jar .... 188
47. A gift of tobacco given to the brctseros in behalf of the gods . . 188
48. A gift of posol offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods . . . 188
49. A gift of frejoles offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods . . 188
50. A gift of firejoles and tamcUes administered to the braseros . . 188
51. The chant used when a journey is to be undertaken .... 189
Digitized by VjOOQIC
KEY TO THE PRONUNCIATION OF MAYA
WORDS
The vowels and consonants have their continental sounds with the following
exceptions : —
& like u in hut
al like i in island
k (Beltran's c) ordinary palatal k
q (Beltran^s k) velar k
9 (Beltran^s o) ts explosive or fortis
o (Beltran^s ta) ts non-explosive
i (Beltran^s z) like sh in hush
tk (Beltran's ch) like ch in church
t6 (Beltran's cli) ch explosive
p (Beltran*s pp) p explosive
% (Beltran^s th) t explosive
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
INTRODUCTION
The Mayas of Yucatan and the Lacandones of Chiapas, Mex-
ico, and the upper Usumacinta River both belong to the same
branch of the great Maya-Quiche lingfuistic stock. There is
no distinction made between the people of these two localities
when they are taken in connection with thode of the less closely
allied branches of this linguistic family, the Quiche, the Choi,
the Tzeltal, the Mam, the Pokom, and the Huaxteca groups.
The Mayas of Yucatan together with the Lacandones are usu-
ally designated as forming the Maya proper, and I shall limit
myself in this study to a consideration of this group alone.
The Maya of Yucatan and the Lacandone ^e separated only
by a slight dialectical difiFerence. This is now about the only
common ground on which to judge the people of the two locali-
ties. A comparison of the life and customs of the two sections
affords a most striking example of the effect of Spanish contact
upon a portion of a once homogeneous people, one part having
lived in close and intimate relations with Spanish influences
since the time of the Conquest, and the other entirely free
from all close contact with the Spanish-Mexican element of the
population.
In speaking of the Maya of Yucatan, the typical native of
the country will be considered, not a resident of one of the
large towns or cities, but the Maya who lives in one of the
small Indian pueblos scattered everywhere throughout the pen-
insula. In the eastern section of Yucatan, there was to be
found not long ago what one might call the pure Yucatan Maya.
In the southernmost sections of the peninsula, he still exists.
In eastern and southern Yucatan there are three different
settlements of Mayas which are practically independent. The
Mayas occupying the eastern portion of the peninsula have
1
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
2 MATA8 AND LACAND0NE8
never been completely conquered by the Mexican troops sent
against them. The last general uprising was in 1847. The
stronghold of the mblevados hravos (fighting insurgents) was
called Chan Santa Cruz. This was destroyed by the Mexican
troops and the site is now occupied by them as a camp. The
Indians live in the bush and keep up a guerrilla warfare with
the Mexicans sent against them even up to the present time.
Travel in this portion of the peninsula, unless one is accom-
panied by a detachment of Mexican soldiers, is dangerous,
owing to the untrustworthiness of these Indians and to their
fear of allowing a Mexican spy to ascertain their true condition.
Mr. Sapper ^ estimates these Indians formerly to have numbered
about forty thousand and now to be not more than a fourth of
this number.
In the southern portion of the peninsula of Yucatan, west of
Belize and north of Peten, there are two practically independ-
ent Indian states, that of Ixkanha in central Yucatan, which
has intercourse with Campeche to the westward, and that of
Icaiche farther to the south, which carries on trade relations
with Orange Walk in British Honduras. These states,
according to Sapper,^ number respectively eight thousand
and five hundred. They were formerly in league with the
Indians of Chan Santa Cruz, but in 1853 they made a treaty
with the Mexican government, thus arousing the hatred of their
former allies. These two Indian states have full independ-
ence in internal affairs, and they in turn recognize the authority
of Mexico, and their oflBcers have nominally to be confirmed by
the central government of Mexico. These people stand half-
way between the civilized Mayas to the northward and the
Lacandones to the south. I have no personal knowledge of
these Indians, and they will not be considered in the following
report.
For my comparison, I shall take the Lacandone as he is
1 Sapper, 1896, pp. 197-201 ; 1904, pp. 623-624. I have availed myself of
this article for the greater part of the facts in the account above. [Articles are
referred to by date and the titles may be found in the bibliography at the end.]
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
INTRODUCTION 8
found to-day, unchanged and untrammeled by Spanish contact,
and the Maya proper of Yucatan, a being now essentially
Mexican, but still retaining, however, his native dress, lan-
guage, general mode of living, and fundamental ideas con-
cerning religion.
The term "Maya"^will be used as meaning, not the people
linguistically considered and taken as a whole, but simply the
native population of Yucatan. I shall touch upon the ancient
culture of the Mayas only as it is shown as surviving among
the people of the present time.
Both the Mayas and the Lacandones call themselves ma^-
sSwaL This comes from the Nahuatl word masehuaUi
(plural maseliaaltin), meaning the lower class of working
people. This name is thought by some to have been given to
those of the inhabitants who originally come from Mexico.
It is now applied to all the natives of the country without
distinction. The white people of the land know the Indians
of the peninsula as Mayas and the Lacandones as Caribes.
This later name is of course inappropriate, as the inhabitants
of Chiapas have no connection with the tribe commonly known
as Caribes, which was originally found in northern South
America.
The name "Lacandone" has been given to the natives of
Chiapas and the upper Usumacinta River by writers to dis-
tinguish them from the Mayas proper of Yucatan. The name
is probably a debased form for Lacantun, which means, in
Maya, great or massive rocks. The form ton is used for tmi in
several dialects of the Maya, and we would then have Lacanton.
The surd t may easily have been mistaken for the sonant d.
Mistakes in mixing the surd and sonant are common in the
native place names as recorded by the Spaniards. The tenn
" Lacantun " is still found in its correct form in the name of one
of the rivers flowing into the upper Usumacinta, on which settle-
ments of this people are found. It has seemed best to retain
the name Lacandone as designating the people about whom we
are to speak. This is done in order to avoid confusion, inas-
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
4 MAYAS ASD LACAND0NE8
much as most of the early Spanish authorities use this form of
the word, although it has no derivation in Maya. Mr. Seler
considers that the right term is Acandon, as used by Alonso
Ponce in 1686.^ This name would be derived from aoan, to
groan or to thunder, and tun or ton, stone. Mr. Seler further
suggests that the term may also have been applied to an idol.
Stephens speaks of the Candones or " unbaptized Indians who
live as their fathers did." * These were in all probability the
same people as the present-day Lacandones.
Early historians when speaking of the Mayas in general
always include the Lacandones and the Itzas, who inhabited
the country around Lake Peten in Guatemala. At that time,
all three people had practically the same language, religion,
and customs. After the conquest of the Itzas in 1697, the
province was held only by a small garrison of Mexican troops
for over half a century, when it was finally made into a criminal
colony. The people now inhabiting this portion of the country
around Lake Peten are a peaceful, quiet lot, and are more
Mexican in character than Maya.
The Lacandones inhabit the territory to the south of Tenosi-
que, Tabasco, and west of the Usumacinta River in the state
of Chiapas, the country drained by the rivers Lacantum and
Lacanha, which unite with the Chixoy, or Salinas, to form the
Usumacinta. The country of the Lacandones is crossed and
recrossed by rivers and streams, thus furnishing an abundant
water supply. The soil is fertile owing to the many rivers
and the dense tropical vegetation. There are several large
lakes in the territory occupied by the Lacandones.
Many of the early writers and some even down to within a
comparatively few years ago have made a twofold division of
the Lacandones, — the eastern Lacandones, living on the Rio de
la Pasion and east of the Usumacinta, a harmless agricultural
people who spoke Maya ; and the western Lacandones who
spoke Choi or Putum, a dialect of the Maya stock.* The
1 Seler, 1901, pp. 5, 6. « Stephens, 1841, Vol. II, p. 196.
» Berendt, 1867, p. 425.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
INTRODUCTION 5
Lacandones of Lake Petha, who would naturally belong to the
western division, do not speak Choi, but Maya and a Maya
differing very slightly from that spoken in Yucatan, as will be
shown in the linguistic part of this study. This former classi-
fication has broken down, and there is no longer any reason
to suppose that there is a body of Lacandones speaking the
Choi dialect of the Maya stock. ^ In the names of a few of the
gods worshiped by the Lacandones at the present time, and
in the painting of the face during some of the religious rites,
there seems to be some slight variation as one travels from
the east to the west. This may point to some original differ-
ence in the composition of the people.
As far as could be ascertained both from observation and
inquiries, there seem to be no large settlements of this people
in any part of the country. They are very much disseminated,
living in small family groups, each with its animal totem. As
far as I know, there is only one family of Lacandones living near
the banks of the Usumacinta River, and also only a single family
on the lower Lacantun. Within the last five years the whole
country has been overrun with mahogany cutters, and their
canoes are constantly passing up and down the rivers. As a
consequence of this intrusion, the Lacandones have pressed back
farther into the interior and have made their homes on the
smaller streams flowing into the Usumacinta and Lacantun.
Concerning their number, one hestitates in giving even an
estimate, inasmuch as they are scattered over so wide a range
' of country. Mr. Sapper is nearer the truth, it seems to me,
in his earlier statement, in which he places the number of
Lacandones as between two hundred and thi'ee hundred.* In
a later publication* he places the number at five hundred,
although he questions the accuracy of this numeration.
1 Seler (1895, pp. 21-5.3 ; 1904, pp. 75-122) speaks of a letter he received
from Mr. Sapper denying the fact of a western body of Lacandones speaking
Choi. Mr. Sapper also states that the Lacandones who held .out so successfully
against the constant expeditions sent against them by the Spaniards spoke the
Maya proi)er in part at least.
« Sapper, 1897, p. 259. » Ibid., 1904, a, p. 9.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
6 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
The Mayas, on the other hand, ma y be numbere d by the tens
of thousands. Brinton estimates the number of pure Mayas
as two hundred thousand and those of mixed blood as number-
ing one hundred thousand.^ Mr. Sapper estimates the num-
ber of Mayas in Yucatan, Campeche, Chiapas, Tabasco, Peten,
and British Honduras as three hundred thousand.* Whole
villages and cities in Yucatan are composed entirely of Mayas.
In the eastern section until a very few years ago, as has been
stated, they held undisputed control.
The country occupied by both these dialects of the Maya
stock furnishes the inhabitants with game of all kinds and
many fruits and vegetables which grow wild.
Both the Lacandones and the Mayas are inherently a moral
people. They have a certain code of conduct and live up to
that with great faithfulness. The family life of the Lacan-
dones is both simple and ,pui*e. Polygyny is practiced.
When the men are not engaged in hunting and fishing, they are
busy in the observances of their religious ceremonies, carried on
before their incense-burners in behalf of the family gods. The
main object of these rites is to cure diseases and to avert evils.
The family life of the Maya proper is for the most part
good. The Mexican looseness in this respect, as in many
others, has come in to take the place of the simple and natural
conditions formerly existing. The natives of the cities and
towns naturally feel more heavily the effect of the contact
with these new influences.
The religion of the Lacandone is clearly a survival of that •
described by the early historians as existing throughout Yuca^
tan at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards in the sixteenth
century. In the peninsula at the present time, owing to the
influence of the energetic Spanish priests and missionaries, there
is existing a nominal Catholic religion. In the less populated
districts, however, the fundamental religious ideas of the na-
tives savor greatly of the former religion of the country. There
are, moreover, rites still carried on which are native in character.
1 Brinton, 1882, p. 19. ^ Sapper, 1904, a, p. 9.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
HISTORY
The Mayas in all probability are not indigenous in Yuca-
tan. The myths and- early historians tell of a twofold mi-
gration into Yucatan in the earliest times, one from the east, or
more exactly from the southeast, and the other from the west or
southwest.^ The migration from the east was much less numer-
ous than that from the west. Brinton identifies the eastern ar-
rival as a sun myth, but the other is supported by the chronicles
of the Mayas, and certainly has some historical importance.'
If we accept the idea of the two migrations, we can assume
that they were composed of people of the same stock, possess-
ing the same language, customs, and religion. The situation of
the ruins in Yucatan and the country to the southward seems
to give weight to the idea of a twofold migration. There is
a line of ruined cities stretching sdutheast into Honduras and
another to the southwest toward the River Champoton.
The eastern migration is supposed to have had among its
members the culture hero, Zamna, or Itzamna, to whom is as-
cribed the invention of the characters used by the early Mayas
in writing.
After many years of wandering, Chichen Itza became the
headquarters of this eastern migration.
At a later date the second and westerly migration from
Tabasco and Champoton took place under the command of
the Tutul-Xius.
According to the early chronicles, the Chanes, or Itzas, who
had founded Chichen Itza, also established at a later date settle-
ments at Izamal and T-ho, the present site of the city of
Merida.
Chichen Itza was governed by three brothers, one of whom
1 Molina, 1896, p. xii. « Brinton, 1882, p. 20.
7
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
8 MATA8 AND LACANB0NE8
absented himself from the kingdom. The remaining two be-
came tyrannical, internal discord broke out, and civil war re-
sulted. Chichen Itza was finally abandoned, and, after many
years of wandering, the Itzas established themselves in Chan-
Peten.^ Here there was prosperity for many years. For
some motive not clearly shown, a move was made to the north-
ward and the city of Mayapan founded. At the same time
war was made against the CaciqueB of Izamal and Motul with
the aid of the Xius, who had come from the southwest and
founded the city of Uxmal at a time previous to the settlement
of Mayapan.
It was in ahau two of the Maya chronology that the famous
confederation was made among the cities of Uxmal, Izamal, Ma-
yapan, and Chichen Itza, which had been reestablished after the
return of the Itzas from the south. It was probably during
this confederation, which lasted over two hundred years, that
Kukulcan came to Yucatan from the southwest. According
to the early accounts, he brought the ideas of religion found
existing among the Mayas at the time of the Conquest. After
he had seen his ideas carried out, he departed as mysteriously
as he had come.
Civil war broke out immediately after the withdrawal of
Kukulcan, between the cities of Chichen Itza and Mayapan.
Izamal espoused the cause of Chichen Itza. The leader of
Mayapan called to his aid the Nahuas, who had settlements
in Tabasco. With the help of this foreign force, Chichen and
finally Izamal fell under the power of Mayapan.
The ruling power at Mayapan fell to the house of Cocomes.
Owing to the tyranny of one of the kingpa of this family, the
Tutul-Xius, who up to this time had not joined against Maya-
pan, made an uprising which was entered into by the former
inhabitants of Chichen and Izamal. The city of Mayapan and
the power of the Cocomes were destroyed. A son alone was
saved by being absent from the city at the time of the up-
rising.
1 Brinton, 1882, p. 96.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
HISTORY 9
On the return of this surviving member of the family of the
Cocomes, his followers gathered around him and they founded
the city of Tibulon in the district of Zotuta.
One of the former priests of Mayapan was the founder of the
family of Cheles in the district of Izamal. The Tutul-Xius
founded a new capital at Mani. After the destruction of Maya-
pan, Yucatan was divided for the most part among the three
families of the Xius, the Cocomes, and the Cheles, among whom
there Existed the most intense hatred. There was a state of
constant warfare.
This, briefly, is the history of Yucatan up to the time of the
arrival of the Spaniards. The accounts are often conflicting,
and there are many places where the myths and the early
chronicles are silent.
In 1602 on the fourth and last voyage of Columbus, when
the expedition was in the Gulf of Honduras, an Indian canoe
was encountered which had probably put out from the shores
of Yucatan. This was the first news in Europe of the exist-
ence of Yucatan.
In 1506 two of the companions of Columbus set out to in-
vestigate the former vague reports. They were in the Gulf of
Honduras, and, "turning to the northward, discovered a great
part of Yucatan."^
In the year 1511 Geronimo de Aguilar and Valdivia were
shipwrecked on the coast of Yucatan. Valdivia and four of
the sailors were, according to the early accounts, sacrificed by
the natives of the country and afterward eaten. Aguilar and
another companion, Guerrero, who were reserved until a later
time, managed to escape into the country to the southward.
In 1517 Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba set sail from Cuba
for Yucatan. He touched first at the Isla de Las Mujeres and
then sailed round the northern side of the peninsula and to
the south as far as Campeche. The natives stoutly resisted the
Spaniards at every opportunity. In the following year the
governor of Cuba, Diego Velasquez, sent Juan de Grijalva to
1 Herrera, 1601-1615, Dec. I, Llbro VI, Cap. XVH.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
10 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
the new land. Francisco de Montejo, who later played a great
part in the history of the country, accompanied this expedition,
as well as Bernal Diaz del Castillo. They landed at Cozumel,
and they, also, went around the north of the peninsula and
down the western side to Tabasco.
In 1519 Hernando Cortes set sail in company with Montejo
to take possession of Yucatan in the name of Spain. They
rounded Cape Catoche and landed at Cozumel. They finally
retraced their course and went to Tabasco and the Boca del
Terminos. The Indians often showed great courage in their
resistance to the advance of the Spaniards.
In the year 1526 Montejo, who had accompanied both Gri-
jalva and Cortes, came to Yucatan with his son. The former
was the first Adelantado of the country under a grant from the
king of Spain. After great difficulty, he made a settlement at
Chichen Itza, which, later, he was compelled to abandon on ac-
count of the hostility of the natives. In 1536 he was finally
driven from the country. In 1540, however, after a long strug-
gle, he conquered part of Campeche. About this time he dele-
gated all his powers to his son, who returned to Yucatan and
conquered it again in behalf of the king.
In 1542 the city of Merida was founded on the site of the
native Maya settlement of T-ho, and Valladolid was made an
encampment in the following year. In 1546 an Indian insur-
rection broke out, and the Spaniards in Valladolid were mur-
dered almost to a man.^
There was no large attempt made at Christianizing the na-
tives until the year 1546, when one hundred and fifty missiona-
ries were sent over from Spain. It was in this year that Bar-
tolome de Las Casas arrived at Campeche. He was one of the
earliest of the historians of the country. Villalpando settled
at about this time at Campeche, where he founded a convent,
and later at Merida, where another convent was established.
In the year 1548 the province of Yucatan was made subject
to Mexico.
1 Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. V.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
BISTORT 11
About 1551 Diego de Landa was sent to Yucatan as a mis-
sionary (PL I). Twenty years later he was made Bishop of
Merida. He took energetic measures to exterminate the
native religion and convert the Mayas to Christianity. His
book, entitled ** Relacion de Las Cosas de Yucatan," is one of
the few authorities from which a start can be made in studying
the calendar system of the early Mayas. His account of the
customs and ceremonies of the natives at the time of the Con-
quest is the best that we possess.
Bernal Diaz del Castillo, a companion of Cortes, is another
historian who wrote in this century. His accounts are gen-
erally considered more truthfully drawn than those of his
master.
The first half of the seventeenth century is marked by the
number of Spaniards who visited Yucatan and the country
to the south. They returned and wrote full accounts of the
history of the country and of their travels. Many of these
men came to Yucatan and Tabasco as missionaries. Antonio
de Remesal was a m^itador of the Dominican order from 1613 to
1617. While in Central America, he wrote his " Historia de
las Provincias de Chiapa y Guatemala." ^ Antonio de Herrera
was an historian under Philip II of Spain. In the first quarter
of the century, he wrote a work entitled " Historia general de
los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas y tierra firme del mar
Oceano." Diego Lopez de CogoUudo, a Spanish Franciscan,
spent the second quarter of the century in Yucatan. His
" Historia de Yucatan" is the best authority on the early history
of the country down to 1655. Torquemada and Lizana were
other historians who belonged to this century.
Since that time Yucatan has been taken up, more or less
at length, in all the histories of Mexico and many of those
of Central America. The best of the more recent books is
one written by a native of Yucatan, Don Juan F. Molina y
Solis, " Historia del descubrimiento y conquista de Yucatan con
una resefia de la historia antigua." A second volume has lately
^ No attempt at bibliographical fullness has been made in the works noted.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
12 MATA8 AND LACAND0NE8
been published, bringing the history down to the end of the
sixteenth century. Later volumes will follow, bringing the
work down to the present time.
In regard to the history of the Lacandones, we know
very little. The people of Peten are supposed to have come
from the north at the first appearance of the Spaniards. In
1526 Cortes made his famous journey through Tabasco,
Chiapas, and Guatemala to Honduras. The Indians whom
he describes inhabiting this territory were undoubtedly
Lacandones.
In the year 1537 Las Casas and Piedro de Angulo set out
to Christianize the Indians of the Tierra de Gruerra^ now known
as Vera Paz, part of the territory through which Cortes had
passed on his way to Honduras. The missionaries realized
that as long as the Indians lived scattered through the country,
the work of conversion would be slow. They endeavored,
therefore, to gather the natives into towns. This they suc-
ceeded in doing only in part.
The Lacandones seem to have resisted all the attempts at
Christianization. In 1555 they, together with the natives
of Acalan, slew with their arrows two priests and thirty of
the Indians of Vera Paz who had yielded to the teachings of
the missionaries.^
Four years later a determined attempt was made against
the Lacandones. The expedition set out from Comitlan,
reached the settlements of the Indians, and drove all before
them. The victory was not followed up, however, and no
definite results of submission were accomplished.
Various attempts were made at about this time to conquer
" the powerful tribe " of the Itzas, whose stronghold was on an
island in Lake Peten in Guatemala. In 1618 two missionaries
left Merida for Peten, from which, two years later, they barely
escaped with their lives.^ Two years after this a Franciscan
went from Bacalar to Peten, where he was treacherously put to
1 Villagutierre, 1701, Bk. I, Chap. IX, X.
«/6id., 1701, Bk. II, Chaps. II. HI.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
HISTORY 13
death. ^ Again, in 1646, another vain attempt was made, this
time from Campeche and up the Usumacinta River.
In 1675 and again ten years later, more successful attempts
at Christianizing the Choles were made, but all endeavors to
conquer the Lacandones met with failure.
In the year 1695 a combined effort was made to conquer
these Indians. One expedition moved from the province of
Vera Paz, another from Gueguetenango, and a third under
the command of Barrios from Ocosingo.* The last two expe-
ditions met at a place called Dolores. Here an effort was
made to found a town of Lacandones; but gradually, family
by family, they slipped away until even the site of the town
has long since disappeared. In 1696 all the expeditions from
the south were abandoned.
Don Martin de Ursua had come forward with a plan to
build a military road from Merida through the country of
the Lacandones to Santiago de Guatemala. He was made
acting governor of Yucatan during the absence of the governor
in Mexico, and thus he was able to make a start toward carry-
ing out his plan. After the failure of several of the leaders
whom he had sent against the Itzas of Peten, Ursua decided
to take the field in person. In 1697 he left Campeche. After
a hard struggle, he captured the stronghold of the Itzas on
an island in Lake Peten. Two years after, owing to internal
discords, the settlement at Peten was abandoned and General
Ursua returned to Yucatan.
Various vain attempts were made to Christianize the Lacan-
dones down to the beginning of the last century. Since that
time they have been left completely to themselves.
* Cogolludo, loss, p. 689.
« VUlaguUerre, 1701, Bk. IV, Chap. X, p. 249.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
HABITAT
The Lacandones, concerning whom the writer has personal
knowledge, live in the State of Chiapas, Mexico, principally
alopg the waters of the upper Usumacinta River (PL II,
Figs. 1 and 2) and the rivers Lacantun and Lacanha. These
rivers unite with the Chixoy, or Salinas, to form the
Usumacinta, which flows northward into the Gulf of Mexico.
Concerning the Itzas of Guatemala, and especially those around
and near Lake Peten, I have no personal knowledge. It is
supposed that these people withdrew somewhere about 1550
from the northern part of the peninsula, owing to the approach
of the Spaniards.^ It was through the country of the La-
candones that Cortes passed on his arduous march from the
Gulf of Mexico to Honduras.*
From Peten northward stretches the main body of Mayas
proper, occupying the whole peninsula of Yucatan. The in-
habitants of the state of Campeche are sometimes excluded from
the Mayas proper, as the dialect of the Maya spoken by them
varies slightly, as does that of the Lacandones, from that spoken
throughout the rest of the peninsula.
The territory occupied by both the Lacandones and the
1 Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. IV, Chap. XIV, p. 507 : " Estoe Indies Itzaex son de
nacimiento Yucatbdcos y originarios de esta tierra de Tucathkn, y assi hablan
la misma lengua Maya que ellos. Dizese, que salieron del territorio y juris-
diecion que oyes de la Villa de Valladolid, y del Pueblo de Chichen Ytza, donde
oy permanec^ unos de los ^randes edificios antiguos que se v^n en esta tierra."
3 This is described in his fifth letter to the king of Spain. It is impossible
to follow accurately the march of Cortes step by step through this country, as
there is no longer any trace of many of the names given either in his account
or that of Bemal Diaz who accompanied him. The letters of Cortes are pub-
lished in many places, as in Kingsborough, 1831-1841, Vol. VIII, p. 401 (see
also Cortes, 1866). An English translation of the fifth letter was published
by the Hakluyt Society, 1868.
14
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
HABITAT 15
Mayas is rich in archsBological remains.^ With the exception
of the ruins on the border between Guatemala and Honduras,
the cities of Copan and Quirigua, there are few large centers of
archaeological interest not included within the country occu-
pied by the Mayas and Lacandones. The ruined cities scat-
tered over the entire northern part of the peninsula of Yucatan
are in the same territory as that occupied by the Mayas proper.
The ruins of Palenque are upon the northern and the ruins near
Ocosingo in Chiapas on the western edge of the country occu-
pied by the Lacandones, whereas the ruins along the Usuma-
cinta River are in the very center of the territory occupied by
this people. A large part of this latter region is practically
unexplored. Mahogany hunters have traversed the whole area,
and mounds and remains of ruined structures are constantly
being reported throughout this territory of southern Chiapas
and northern Guatemala.
The country * occupied by the people of the Maya stock to
be considered may be regarded as continuous,* stretching, from
the peninsula of Yucatan on the north, southward, including
the department of Peten, Guatemala and the states of Chiapas
and parts of Tabasco, Mexico. Just as the people of the north
and south differ in customs, so also do the physical conditions
of the two districts.
The peninsula of Yucatan is generally level, with slight eleva-
tions of not more than two hundred feet, due mainly to erosion.
Owing to the formation of the country, the hydrographic
conditions of Yucatan are peculiar. It is only in the extreme
south of the peninsula that we find any rivers. The limestone
formation, however, admits of numerous underground streams.
Natural sinkholes, called in Spanish cenqtes^ after the Maya
^ For the best general accounts of the Maya archaeological remains,' see Ste-
phens, 1841, 1843 ; Chamay, 1887 ; Maudslay, 1889-1902 ; Holmes, 1895-1897 ;
and Maler, 1901-1903.
^ For a detailed account of the geography of Yucatan, see Casares, 1905.
* The Huastecos, on the River Panuco, north of Vera Cruz, speak a dialect of
the Maya, and they form the only exception to the fact of the continuity of the
territory occupied by the Maya-speaking people.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
16 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
word oonbt,^ are found everywhere throughout the peninsula
(PL III, Fig. 1). The first settlements were made around
these natural reservoirs. These cenotes may have underground
connection with one another, although no current is perceptible
in them. Water can be obtained at nearly every point in
Yucatan if a well of sufficient depth is sunk.
A very thin layer of soil covers the generally level but rough
base of limestone which crops out everywhere. The soil, owing
to its shallowness, is not as fertile as that of Chiapas. For cer-
tain products, however, it is admirably fitted, especially for
heneqiien or hemp. In central Yucatan there is one good-sized
lake called Chichancanab* Further to the south, in the vicinity
of Bacalar, there are a number of smaller lakes.*
The country to the south of Yucatan has features entirely
different. The territory of Peten may be considered a plain,
but the state of Chiapas, where the greater part of the Lacan-
dones live, is mountainous. Mr. Sapper divides the mountain-
ous territory into two parts, one composed of a chain of
mountains and the other of a mountain mass.^
The territory occupied by the Lacandones is watered by
1 Dr. L. J. Cole of Harvard University has been making a study of the water
system of Yucatan. The results of these investigations will soon appear in print.
Attention is especially called to a late paper by a Yucatan gentleman, Don David
Casares, 1906.
3 The best map of this region is that found in Sapper, 1896 and 1904, to which
reference has been made. Mr. Sapper has traveled through a large portion of
Yucatan.
Count Maurice de P^rigny of the French Geographical Society has lately re-
turned from a trip into the interior of Yucatan, and we may hope for an early
report on this interesting territory.
« Sapper, 1897, p. 178 : ** Das Gebirgsland des nttrdlichen Mittelamerika schei-
det sich in zwei schon landschafUich leicht zu unterscbeidende Abtheilungen ;
ein Kettengebirge in den n5rdlichen Theilen und ein Massengebirge in den
sUdlichen Theilen des Gebirgslandes. Das baupts^hlich aus mesozoischen und
tertisiren Ablagerungen bestehende Kettengebirge des Staates Chiapas bildet
aber keineswegs die unmittelbare Fortsetzung des Kettengebirges von Mittel-
guatemala. . . . Das Kettengebirge von Mittelguatemala besteht nur in seinen
nOrdlichsten Bestandtheilen aus mesozoischen und tertiaren Ablagerungen,
w&hrend sUdlich davon eine pal&ozoische und dann einige arch&ische Ketten
folgen.''
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
HABITAT 17
many rivers.^ In addition to the two main rivers, the Lacan-
tun and the Lacanha, which unite with the Chixoy or Salinas
to form the Usumacinta, there are a number of other good-sized
rivers, together with a countless number of smaller streams and
brooks which interlace the country. There are four large lakes
included in the territory occupied by the Lacandones, Laguna
Petha, Laguna Anaite, and Laguna Lacanha in the state of
Chiapas and Laguna Peten in Guatemala, around which the
famous Itzas once centered. These lakes, together with the
rivers, assure a never-failing water supply, besides furnishing
an abundance of fish and water fowl of many kinds.
The soil, often of considerable depth, is very fertile, owing to
the large decay of vegetation and the many rivers. The waters
of the lakes and of the larger rivers which have washed away the
outer soil are highly saturated with lime, so that, in general, the
settlements of the Lacandones are found on the smaller streams,
in small arrot/os^ where the water has had no force to penetrate
to the subsoil beneath. In traveling northward at right angles
to the rivers flowing into the Usumacinta, which flows northward,
one is constantly climbing one ridge only to descend again to
the bed of a river and then upligain over the watershed of the
third.
The whole peninsula of Yucatan is of limestone formation,
mainly tertiary but partially of the cretaceous period.* Over-
lying the older rock and shell conglomerate there is a soft lime-
stone (Maya tftn) in process of hardening. There is a still harder,
whiter, and more compact stone (Maya tfitunits).* Through-
out the limestone formation, nodules of flint are found. This
geolojgical formation of lime furnishes an abundant supply of
excellent building stone easily workable and admirably fitted for
sculpture. This fact is noted in Yucatan and also in the coun-
try occupied by the Lacandones in the remains of ancient build-
ings and temples which have been described by travelers since
1 For the best map of this region, see Maler, 1901-1903, PI. L
^ For a detailed study of the geological formation of Yucatan, see Casares, 1905.
• See p. xxi for a key to the pronunciation of the Maya words.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
18 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
the earliest occupation of the country by the Spaniards. In
Chiapas and Tabasco there is much igneous and sedimentary
rock.
Owing to the trade winds, the mountainous portion of the
territory — and, as I have said, this is the part occupied by the
Lacandones — has a large precipitation, and is, as a consequence,
heavily timbered. Yucatan, on the other hand, has not a suffi-
cient elevation to retain the moisture from the trade winds of the
north, and the mountains in the south collect all the moisture
coming from the Pacific. The country is consequently very dry
except in the regular rainy season. The forest growth on the
peninsula is generally small and singularly even. Some early
authorities account for this from the fact that, according to the
earliest accounts, Yucatan was visited by a terrific hurricane
which laid low all the vegetation. ^
Owing to the mountainous formation, the rainy season among
the Lacandones is not sharply marked as in Yucatan. There,
the season of rain lasts from May until September and the re-
mainder of the year is very dry. In Chiapas the dry season is
of much shorter duration. The rains continue until January or
February, when they give place to a dry season interrupted by
occasional showers from February to April, when the regular
wet season begins.
The climate of Chiapas and the upper Usumacinta is generally
not healthful. With care, however, places may be found on high
land away from the river bottoms where one may live in com-
parative security from fevers. The climate seems to have a
more noticeable effect on the Mexicans than upon the natives,
who are generally healthy, owing, no doubt, to their greater
care in the selection of their camp sites.
The climate of Yucatan, on the other hand, is much drier and
more healthful. Oalentura and other forms of fevers are less
common than in any other part of southern Mexico. In many
of the early Melacidnes^ or reports sent to Spain regarding the
1 Landa, 1864, p. 00.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
HABITAT 19
conditions in the country, there is a distinction made between
the healthfulness of Yucatan as compared with the moist charac-
ter of the country to the southward and its consequent unhealth-
fulness.
Owing to the great evaporation, cold nights follow days of
intense heat. On the average, the temperature is lower in
Chiapas than in Yucatan.^
The country occupied by the Mayas and the Lacandones seems
to be lacking in precious metals. The land is not so poor in
useful minerals. Salt is obtained in Yucatan by evaporating sea
water. In Chiapas the Indians formerly boiled in earthen pots
or evaporated in shallow pans the brine obtained from salt
mines. At the present time the Lacandones procure their salt
in trade from the Mexicans. The one utensil, found in every
household throughout Yucatan, the region of the Usumacinta,
and every other part of Mexico as well, is the stone vietate for
grinding com (PI. IX, Fig. 1). They are usually made of a vol-
canic rock, andesite, or basalt. Sometimes they are made of
flint. This latter has always been an important stone among
the Mayas. The Lacandones flake and chip points of flint for
their arrows (p. 60). Arrow points and knives are occasion-
ally found of obsidian. At El Cayo, on the Usumacinta River,
Mr. Maler has named carnelian, syenite, jadeite,* ofite, hema-
tite, white marble, and petrified wood. *
Flora. — To attempt to give a complete account of the flora
of the country occupied by the Mayas and the Lacandones would
be to give a catalogue of the plants and trees which grow in the
tierra caliente^ or warm country. I shall therefore limit my-
self exclusively to those which are made use of by the Indians
in their daily life. These in themselves unless curtailed would
include almost as many as would come in the former list, inas-
much as the native makes use of practically every tree, plant,
1 For a detailed account of the temperature of Yucatan, see CasareSi 1906,
p. 213.
' The stone called jadeite is in all probability serpentine.
» Maler, 1901-1903, p. 84.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
20 MAYAS AND LAC AN DON E8
and shrub for food, medicine, or in the practice of some of his
arts. I shall take up first the woods which have been of most
help to the Indian. The Lacandones use the mahogany treej n
the manufacture of their canoes (taem), hollowing out of a
single log, by fire and the machete^ a boat often thirty feet long.
Logwood (^Hcematoxylon campeehianum ^) is found throughout
the territory occupied by both these branches of the Maya
stock. The Lacandones use it for the foreshaf ts of their arrows
and for coloring. The guayacan^ or lignum vitae (Chiaicum %anc-
turn)^ furnishes an excellent wood for making bows, as it is
flexible and at the same time very strong. The leaves of the
ramon (^Alicastrum brownei^ Maya ol) are used extensively in
Yucatan for fodder, as there is little grass in the country. The
gum of the Protium heptaphyllum is used as an incense in the
religious ceremonies of both the Mayas and the Lacandones.
It is called copal by the Mexicans and pom by the natives.^ The
sap of the rubber tree (CastUloa elastica^ Maya qiq) is also used
as incense among the Lacandones. A pitch pine (Maya tdte)
is used for light in making journeys by night. It burns with a
slow steady flame^ From the bark of a tree called in Maya baltSe
there is manufactured an intoxicating drink used extensively in
the religious rites of the Lacandones and in certain of the cere-
monies of the Mayas of Yucatan. A large variety of pliable
vines (Spanish bejuco^ Maya aq) grow in the country, and these
are put to various uses. The leaves composing the roofs of
the native huts are tied to the framework by these vines, and
the frame itself is held together in the same manner. Baskets
and the wickerwork doors of the houses are made of the vines.
^ For the botanical names, I have, for the most part, followed Charles F.
Millspaugh, 1896-1904.
2 Cf. an early account of the use of copal in the *^ Relaci<5n del Pueblo de
Mama" (1680), 1900, Vol. XI, p 169, **. . . ay un arbol que llaman los yndios
pom ; sera tan grande como una gran higuera dandole algunos golpes al Rededor
y dejandolo dos dias destila de si una Resina como trementina exceto ques mas
dura y muy blanca llamanle los espafioles copal y huele muy bien y tiene muchas
virtudes con lo qual se curan los yndios . . . usaban mucbo los naturales deste
^ahumerio que les afrecian sacrificio a sus dioses, el qual dicho arbol ay en este
dicho pueblo y acuden en busca del demas de veynte leguas a la Redonda."
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
HABITAT 21
They are used in all the places where rope and twine would be
used among a more civilized people. There are two varieties
of hejuco which furnish water to the traveler in the forest.
A piece six feet long often yields a half pint of water.
A number of kindsof palmsjtre found in Yucatan and Chiapas.
The leaves of many oT the varieties are used as roofs to the
native huts. One of the most common kinds used in this con-
nection is Sai>al mexicana^ guano in Spanish (Maya san). The
ceiba (fiombax ceiba^ Maya yaBtse) is a t ree which plays a part
in the religious beliefs of the people (p. 154") .
Of fruits we find a large number, many of which grow wild.
The chicosapote (^Sapota achras^ Maya ya), the mamey {Lucuma
rnammosd)^ anona (^Anona %quamo9a)^ giuinabana (^Anona muri-
cata)^ guayaba (P^idium guajava)^ tamarindo (Tamarindus indica^
Maya patiuhuk), aguacate (Persea gratusimcL, Nahuatl ahuaoatl),
mango {Mangifera indica')^ cocoanut (^Oocos nuciferd)^ cocoyol
(^Acrocomia mexicana^ Nahuatl coooyotl), papaya (^Papaya carica^
Maya put), and the cacao (^Theobroma cacao^ Maya iau) are
found throughout most of the territory occupied by the Mayas.
The lemon (^Citrus limonuTn)^ the lime (^Oitrtis limetta^^ the
sour and sweet orange (^Citrus vulgaris and Citrus auraritium)^
two varieties of bananas {Masa sapientum^ Maya bo8, and Musa
paradisiaca^ Maya miya), and the pineapple (^Anonas satiras')
are cultivated by many of the Mayas of the peninsula in little
gardens often surrounding their huts. Bananas, limes, and a
small tomato (^Lycopersicum esculentum^ Maya beyantsan, Nahuatl
tomatl) are grown by the Lacandones. The achiote (^Bixia oreU
lana^ Nahuatl aohiyotetl) and chayote (^SeoLwum edule^ Nahuatl
ohayotli) are found among both the Mayas and the Lacandones.
The camote {Cqi^volvulus batatas^ Maya Is, Nahuatl oamotli),
yu^a (^Manihot utilissima^ Maya oln), frejoles (^Phaseolus vul-
garis^ Maya buul), a flat bean called in Ma ya Ip, chili {Cap-
9icum baccaJtum^ Nahuatl ohiUi) are grown in Jhe_fie]dsj t ogethe r
with the cor n (Maya iBim) among both the Mayas and the
Lacandones. Cotton (y^^^i^ t-aman^ \^ cultivated especia llv
among the latter people.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
22 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
Tobacco (Ma ya quo) and sugar cane are grown in small
qu antities both in Yu catan"~ancl: Cliiapaa. In Yucatan there
are several large sugar plantations, where anis^ the drink of the
country, is made. The northern half of the peninsula of
Yucata,n, owing to the shallowness of the soil overlying the
limestone, is singularly fitted for the cultivation of henequen
(^Agave rigida elongata or Agave sisalana). From a commer-
cial standpoint this is by far the most important product of
the country.
Many varieties of gourds grow in both regions. They are
called in Spanish jicaras^ after the Nahuatl word xloaUi. In
Maya, lutl is the name given to one variety {Creseentia eujete).
They are universally used among both the Mayas and the
Lacandones for vessels of all kinds, and a certain variety make
canteens for carrying water on journeys.
Fauna. — As with the flora, so with the fauna, the list will
be limited to include only that part used principally for food
among the Mayas and Lacandones. A complete list of the
animal and bird life in the country of the Mayas would take in
with few exceptions all the animals and birds found in the
colder portions of the torrid zone.
Game in abundan ce is found everywhere throughout Yucatan
an d Chiapas . In Yucatan we find at least t wo species of dee r
\Odocoileu9 toltecus^ and Hippocamelvs pandora^ Maya ke), two
species of wil^^rkey jfilf^«<i^i« mexicana and Agriocharis ocelr
lata^ May>Jnip)t the wild boar (^^agassu angvlatum^ Maya qeqem),^
the partridge (^EupiycTiortyx nigrogularis^ Maya wan), quail
(Dactylortyx thoracicus sharpei, Maya bets or koS), the arma-
dillo^ ( Tatu novemcinctum^ Maya weti), and a large numVer of
less important animals which are hunted for game. In the
country inhabited by the Lacandones there should be added the
ocelot (^Felh pardalis)^ the mountain lion (Felis concolor)^ the
jaguar (^Felis onca^ Maya balum or tsakmul), the tapir (^Tapirella
dowi)^ two specimens of monkeys (Ateles vellerosus^ Maya ;
1 1 am indebted to Dr. Cole for the scientific names.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
HABITAT 23
and Smmiri d'rstedii^ Maya baap)« two species of parrot (^Amazona
(dbifrons and Conurus aztee^ Maya ^t), the badger (^Taxidea
taxus^ Maya kotom), and the Tepeizquinte (^Agouti paca).
Alligators (Maya ayln) and turtles are abundant in the rivers
and lakes. Iguanas (hn) are rarely eaten, although they are
very common in Yucatan. Snails (Melania leximma^ Maya
iot) furnish a means of sustenance among the Lacandones.
A species of dog was known before the advent of the
Spaniards. It is described in the e^arly accounts as having no
hair, with only a few and sharply pointed teeth and small ears
and that it did not bark.^
An interesting study and one well worthy of attention would
be an attempt at identifying the many kinds of fauna repre-
sented in the three Maya Codices ' and in the bas-reliefs found
on the ruined buildings. Many different kinds of animals are
to be noted, and in some cases they may be clearly made out.*
Among the Nahuas, ten of the twenty day signs represent the
heads of animals : oipaotU, crocodile ; onetzpalin, lizard ; oouatl,
snake; maoatl, deer; toohtU, rabbit; itsoulntU, dog; ogomatli,
ape ; ooelotl, jaguar ; quauhtli, eagle ; and oosoaqnauhtli, vulture.
1 ** Relaci6n de la Ciudad de Merida," 1900, Vol. XI, p. 63: *». . . ay perros
naturales dela tierra que no tienen pelo ninguno, y no ladran, que tienen lo8
dientes ralos e agudos, las orejas pequeflas, tiesas y levantadas — a estos engordan
los yndios para comer y los tienen por gran rregalo — estos se juntan con los
perroe de espafia.^*
2 The Troano, published by Brasseor de Bourbourg in 1869 and 1870 ; the
Cortesianus, a part of the preceding manuscript, published by Juan de Dios de
la Rada y Delgado in 1893 ; the Dresden, published by Fdrstemann in 1880 and
again in 1892 ; and the Peresianus, published by Leon de Rosny in 1887, are the
most available editions of the three Maya pre-Columbian manuscripts.
* Compare the mythological animals represented in Schellas, 1897 and 1904.
KT
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS
The whole Maya race is short in stature. The male Lacan-
done is of slightly higher stature than the Maya of Yucatan.
The women of both sections are about equally short. ^ The
Mayas of Yucatan are a strongly brachycephalic race. The
Lacandones who were measured exceed the Mayas in the
cephalic index. They are probably the most brachycephalic of
any of the Mexican and Central American peoples.*
The whole May a race is physically a most capable one. The
Lacandone is here again slightly ahead of the Maya in this
respect. The complete isolation of the Lacandone has freed
him from assuming the tamed and subdued character that is
often noted in the Maya proper. Both the Maya and Lacandone
have broad foreheads and broad shoulders, stand erect and walk
with remarkable ease and grace. The Lacandones often make
long journeys on foot to the shrines of their various gods. The
women accompany the men on these trips, often carrying a
child astride the hips (PI. Ill, Fig. 2), together with another
swung on a net on the back. Landa regards this custom of
carrying children astride the hip as the cause of the many cases
of crooked legs among the Mayas.* This may well be the true
cause of this deformity.
The Lacandone women are physically nearly as capable as
the men, often cutting the firewood for the use of the family,
besides helping the husband in the clearing away of the forest
1 Sapper (1904, p. 11) distinguishes between a short type in northern Yucatan,
a taller, more slender type in central Yucatan, and a short, thick-set type in
southern Yucatan.
^ In a short series of nineteen both of the Mayas and of the Lacandones, the
index for the Mayas was 86.4 and for the Lacandones 86.5. Starr (1902, p. 61),
in a series of one hundred men and twenty -five women, found the mean cephalic
index to be 85. His mean measurement for the stature of males was 1552.4.
This seems to me to be a little low.
•Landa, 1864, Chap. XX, p. 112 : *» Que los Indios de Yucatan son bien dis-
puestos y altos y rezios y de muchas fuer^as y comunmente todos estevados,
porque en su niflez, quando las madres los Uevan de una parte a otra, van ahorca-
jados en los quadriles.*'
24
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 26
in preparing the ground for sowing. The Maya women, on the
other hand, are much more delicate as a general thing, and
would be physically incapable of enduring some of the hardships
which the Lacandone women have to suffer.
The features of the Mayas as a whole are often very strong
and noble. They are a prognathous race. The women of
Chiapas do not have the beauty so often spoken of in connection
with the native women of Yucatan.
The color of the Lacandone is a golden brown slightly lighter
than that of the native of the peninsula. Discoloration of
the skin was noted in one family of the Lacandones. This
is more common however among the Mexicans occupying
the same country. The hair of the Lacandone is black and
oft^n has some curl. In the children, it is often bleached
by the sun to a reddish hue. The hair of the Maya proper
is in general perfectly straight. The Lacandone men as well
as the women wear the hair long. It thus serves as a pro-
tection for the neck and shoulders.^ In one settlement only
did I see any one with short hair (PI. IV, Fig. 2). When
those with short hair were conducting a religious rite, a piece of
cloth was tied over the head and hung down behind. This was
not noted in the case of those whose hair was long. The women
wear it simply tied at the back and not in the knot as seen
among the Maya women. The Lacandone man very often has
considerable hair on his face and especially on the tip of his
chin, where it is allowed to remain.* The heads on the incense-
1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XX, p. 114 : *^ Que criavan cabello como las mugeree ;
por lo alto quemavan como una buena corona."
Villagutierre, 1701, Bk. VIII, Chap. XII, p. 498: ** Traian las cabelleras largas,
quanto pueden crezer : Y assi, es lo mas dificultx>so en los ludios el reduzirlos
k cortarles el pelo, porque el traerlo largo es seflal de Idolatria. Y los Sacerdotes
de SUB Idolos, nunca la^ peynavan trayendolas emplastadas, y enredadas en
mechones ; porque las untavan contlntiameiite con la sangre de los que sacri-
ficavan."
* This is in accordance with what we find on many of the sculptured figures
which are shown as possessing a beard. In only a few cases in the Maya Codices
do we find figures represented with beards. For a detailed discussion of the ap-
pearance and dress of the figures shown in the inscriptions aud manuscripts as
compared with the accounts given by the early travelers, see Schellhas, 1800.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
26 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
burners of the gods are represented as having beards. This
idea of the gods having hair on the chin is doubtless the reason
why the men never pull out the hair or shave, as do the natives
of the peninsula.^
As a race, the Mayas are healthy. The Lacandones use
great care in the selection of their camp sites and generally
hold themselves completely aloof from the Mexican element of
the population, who they fear will bring them fevers and
colds. They have great powers of endurance, making, as has
been stated, long journeys on foot and often carrying heavy
burdens on the back suspended by a strap over the forehead.
The children, when old enough to walk, are accustomed each to
carry his proportionate load when going to and from the fields.
Other than a possible slight flattening of the skull in front,
owing to the custom of suspending burdens from the forehead,*
the Lacandones do not artificially defoim their crania. The
Mayas of Yucatan have the slight flattening of the head in
front as well. They too have the universal custom of sus-
pending burdens on the back, a part of the weight of which
comes on the forehead.^ The Mayas are not as erect as the
Lacandones, and when under a heavy load they run in a slow
and even gait. They too are capable of making singularly
long journeys on foot, often under heavy burdens.
The sacral spot is found on very young infants of pure
Indian blood. It vanishes usually after the first year of birth.
It is variable in size and usually of a purple color.*
1 This is not in accordance with Landa (1864, Chap. XX, p. 114), who speaks
of the Mayas as pulling out the hairs of the face. '^ No criavan barbas, y dezian
que les quemavan los rostros sus madres con paflos calientes, siendo niflos, por
que no les naciessen, y que agora crian barbas aunque muy asperas como cerdas
de tocines."
2 This slight flattening doubtless has some effect on the cephalic index, and
may partially explain the extreme brachycephalic character of the heads
measured (p. 24, note 2).
» Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XX, p. 114 : ** Y que tenian las cabe9afl y frentes
lianas, hecho tambien de sus madres por industria desde nifios.**
^ Starr (1903) observed it on children of pure blood of less than a year old,
but notes that it was lacking in children of mixed blood.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 27
Among the early Mayas, tattooing was practiced. ^ The
women, according to the early accounts, filed their teeth, and
the mothers artificially deformed the heads of their children.*
No traces of these customs have been found either among the
present Mayas or the Lacandones.
Writers have often remarked upon the great neatness of
the Mayas. This is, indeed, a very evident fact. In spite of
the scarcity of water in some places, bathing is almost a daily
custom, and even considering the fact that the dress of both the
men and the women is of white material, it is very seldom that
one sees a soiled garment. The methods of cooking among
the Mayas are remarkable for their cleanliness. As much can-
not be said of the Lacandones, who are far below the Mayas in
respect to personal and domestic cleanliness.
Intellectually the Lacandones who have been encountered do
not rank as high as the Mayas of the peninsula, who are gen-
erally quick to learn, quick to understand, and think with
, considerable rapidity. The mental processes of the Lacan-
dones seem to act with much more slowness.
The Maya race is inherently a moral one.* The morals of
the Lacandones are good. Their family life is happy, and
even with a multiplicity of wives, there is seldom any occasion
for discord and strife. They view with disgust the loose
morals and the infidelity of the Mexicans with whom they
come in contact. They have the strongest of family attach-
ments and great respect for old age.
Morally as well as physically the Mayas proper rank below
the Lacandones. The second may be the result of the first
and both the result of their condition. The working force on
the large henequen haciendas^ which cover the whole northern
1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XXI, p. 120 : ♦* Labravanse los cuerpos y quanto mas,
tanto mas valientes y bravosos se tenian/^
« Ibid., Chap. XXXI, p. 182. A skull found at Labna, Yucatan, now in the
Feabody Museum, Cambridge, has the teeth tiled into points. Many of the
mask-like snouted figures composing the decoration on the facades of the ruined
structures in northern Yucatan have the teeth represented as filed.
» Cf. Sapper, 1906.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
28 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
part of the peninsula, is composed entirely of Mayas. So
important is this branch of industry that a separate and dis-
tinct set of laws has grown up to regulate the relations
between the owners of the haciendas and their workmen. On
all the large plantations improved methods have come in, much
to the betterment of the native. It has now been acknowl-
edged that success is in proportion to the health and comfort
of the natives. It has taken many years, however, to arrive at
this opinion. Improved dwellings, medical care, and better
superintendence is doing much to raise the condition of the
Indian. According to law, a native as long as he is indebted
to another virtually belongs to the owner of the debt. The
servants on the haciendas all have debts against them ranging
sometimes as high as one thousand pesos. At the present time
labor is very scarce in Yucatan, and it is often only after a
struggle that an Indian is allowed to pay his debt, and thus
becomes free.
Drunkenness is a very great evil throughout the whole
peninsula, and does much to destroy the physical well-being of
the native. On the haciendas the laborers are often more or
less intoxicated on Sundays and feast days. It is regarded aa
a thing that cannot be helped by the white men of the country.
On week days the men are held in check by the mayordomo.
On many of the plantations in the morning and again at night
each man is given a drink of anis^ the beverage of the country.
Among the Lacandones drunkenness is seen, but it is always
in connection with their religious rites. It does not have the
evil effect as noted in Yucatan. It is considered a part of the
obligation of the feast in behalf of the gods that the partici-
pants should become intoxicated. The gods are said, however,
not to like wranglings and disputes. Consequently, these
seldom occur. Dancing and singing are pleasing to the gods,
and these are indulged in by the participants in the cere-
monies.
The Lacandones are generally truthful, honest, and mild
except when exasperated, and sometimes with good reason, at
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 29
the acts of their Mexican neighbors. The Mayas are not as
generally truthful, although mild and gentle except when
under the influence of liquor. Both the Lacandone and the
Maya are naturally hospitable and generous.^
Clothing. — As in everything except language, so in clothing,
the Lacandone differs from the Maya of the peninsula. The
native male of Chiapas weai-s in addition to the loin cloth
(q&in&k) which stretches several times around his body, with
the ends hanging down behind and in front,^ a single cotton
garment ot poncho form (iikul) (PL IV, Figs. 1 and 2).« This
garment is woven in two pieces of cloth and the two sewed
together lengthwise, with the exception of openings for the
arms and for the head. The dress hangs to the knees.
Formerly, and even now, in some remote localities far removed
from any trading center, this garment is made of maguey fiber
or from the bark of a tree (PI. V, Fig. 1).*
The Lacandones wear no head covering of any sort and seldom
any protection for the feet. When they are at work in their
fields, they sometimes wear a sandal of leather fastened to the
foot by a cord passing over the toes and over the heel.
1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXIII, p. 134 : ** Que los Yucataneses son muy
partidos y hospitales, porque entra nadie en su casa a quien no den la comida o
bevida, que tienen de dia de sus bevidas, de noche de sus comidas/*
^ Ibid., Chap. XX, p. 116: **Que su vestido era un liston de una mano
en ancbo que les servia de bragas y cal^as y que se davan con el algunas
Tueltas por la cintura, de manera que el un cabo calgava dalante y el otro
detras."
Also cf. ** Relacidn de loa Pueblos de Campocolche y Chochola," 1900, Vol.
XIII, p. 180: *'. . . los bestidos antiguos destoe yndlos era andar en cueros sola-
mente sus verguen^as con una venda que algunas de ellas a cinco e seis varas
ceflydas y dadas tres e quatro bueltas por los quadriles e por debaxo de las
piemas e qnedavale un rramal por detras y el otro por delante de manera que
le tapava todo con las nalgas de fuera y todo lo demas del cuerpo."
This band is seen represented in both the Maya Codices and the bas-reliefs.
Cf. Schellhas, 1890, p. 218.
» VUlagutierre, 1701, Bk. Vni, Chap. XH, p. 498: " Sus vestlduras, de que
usayan, eran unos Ayates, 6 Gabaches, sin Mangas, y sus Mantas, todo de
Algod6n, texido de varios colores.**
* The articles pictured throughout the paper are without exception in the
Peabody Museum of Harvard University, Cambridge. The ethnological speci-
mens, with but few exceptions, were collected by the writer, and, owing to the
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
30 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
The Lacandone womeu wear the same poncho-likQ garment
as the men.^ In addition to this, they also wear a scant skirt
(pik) reaching from the breasts to the ankles (PL V, Fig. 2).^
This is held in place by a band of cloth wound several times
around the waist, forming a wide belt (uhetiebinnoq) which is
concealed by the upper garment. In one of the settlements
visited, the women wore simply the ponchoAike upper garment,
which came down below the knees, thus dispensing with the
skirt altogether. The women, as well as the men, never wear
any covering for the head or any protection for the feet. The
children often go entirely nude until the age of two or three
years, when they wear clothes the exact counterpart of those
worn by their fathers and mothers (PI. VI, Fig. 1). Every man
usually has two garments, one woven by his wife of the native
cotton, and another made of the common cotton cloth of Mexi-
can manufacture. The woman usually wears the hand-woven
skirt, but the upper garment is often made of calico or of white
cotton cloth. The skirt is woven in fine colored lines.
The Lacandone women wear a bunch of gayly colored bird
feathers and the breasts of small birds hanging from the back
of the hair where it is tied. They are also further adorned
with necklaces, often wearing as many as twelve strings of
beads and seeds (PI. V, Fig. 2).* These necklaces are com-
posed principally of small black seeds (tiankala) 'which have
to be strung when green. A very effective necklace is made
of red berries (qante). Job's tears (^Ciox lacryma^ M aya suk-
paen) are grown extensively, and these are strung and worn
especially by the children. One necklace was seen made of
mussel shells hung as pendants from a cord (PI. XIV, Fig. 1).
kindness of the council of the Institute, they were turned over to the Peabody
Museum.
1 In the Maya manuscripts in most instances where women are represented,
the upper portion of the body is shown uncovered.
s Cf. representations from the Codices pictured in Schellhas, 1890, p. 220.
* Necklaces of many varieties and often very elaborate are shown on both
male and female figures in the Codices and on the bas-reliefs. Cf. Schellhan,
1890.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
PERSONAL CHARACTEBI8TIC8 31
From the lower ends of the strands of seeds there often hang
pendants of various sorts, among which are pieces of bone, bits
of sweet-smelling wood, and the skulls of very small monkeys.
These are in the nature of charms. The Mexicans when travel-
ing through this part of the country often bring in for barter
strings of glass beads. These are highly prized by the natives.
Small children often have single bird feathers tied at inter-
vals on the hair at the back of the head. These seem to have
no other purpose than decoration.
In certain of the ceremonies, the men and women have a
narrow band of fiber bark (huuo),^ colored red, and tied
around the forehead (PI. XXVI, Fig. 1). The decoration of
one's person, such as facial painting, will be taken up under
ornamental art (p. 72).
The Mayas of Yucatan are much more picturesque in their
dress than the Lacandones. The dress of the women is of
the same general form as that of the women of Chiapas.*
The material, however, is quite different. It is of the whitest
linen or cotton cloth,^ of Mexican or American manufacture, as
contrasted with the coarse and rough garment of the Lacandone
woven in the primitive loom from cotton of his own raising
and spinning.
The Maya woman cuts her upper garment (yupte), called
in Spanish hipil after the Nahuatl word huapUli, very wide
and full. The opening for the neck is square, the edge
of which, together with the bottom of the garment, is decorated
with a band of the finest needlework in bright colors and
1 This is also the Maya term for book or paper. The bark of the tree is
pounded out so thin that it resembles paper. It was this sort of bark of which
' the ancient manuscripts were made.
2 Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. IV, Chap. V, p. 188, thus describes the dress of the
women at the time he wrote : ** Las mugeres usan de Uaipiles que es una vesti-
dura, que coge desde la garganta hasta la media piema, con una abertnra en lo
superior por donde entra la cabe^a, y otras dos por lo superior de los lados por
donde salen los brakes, que queda cubiertos mas de hasta la mitad, porque no se
ciile al cuerpo esta ropa, que tambien les sirve de camisa.**
^Cf. Ibid,, p. 187: **Visten ropas de algodon blanquissimo, de que hazen
camisas, y cal9ones, y unas mantas como de vara y medio en quadro, quell aman
tilmas, 6 hayates.''
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
32 MAYA8 AND LACAND0NE8
often by an edging of hand-made lace. The ordinary every-
day dress of the woman has, in place of the embroidery, a
band of cotton cloth stamped with a simple design colored
or in black (PL VI, Fig. 2). The skirt (pik), which is worn
longer than among the women of Chiapas, is of the same white
material as the MpiL This is also decorated with the embroid-
ery and the lace. In the small hamlets the women often
wear simply the skirt when at work around the hut or in the
fields.
The hair of the Maya woman is worn tied at the back of the
head in two loops (slnta). The women cover their heads with
the rebosa (boti), a long scarf either of cotton or of brightly
colored silk, wound around the shoulders and over the head
(PI. VI, Fig. 2). The women of the cities and larger towns
wear gold earrings and elaborate gold chains on which are
usually hung the medals of the Catholic Church.
The Maya men wear breeches (ikulei) of white cotton
cloth and a simple shirt of the same material, usually hanging
outside the breeches (PL VII, Fig. 2). When working in the
fields they invariably wear a piece of cloth tied around the
waist, which serves as an apron (tiikn&knoq). Those who live
in the cities often have the shirt made of some colored cloth.
In this case it is longer, contains two pockets near the bottom,
and the apron is usually dispensed with. In the fields, the men
ordinarily divest themselves of the shirt and wear only the short
breeches with the apron (PL VII, Fig. 2). The head is always
covered with a wide-brimmed hat of braided straw.
The women wear slippers of modern manufacture and the
men sandals (Sanapqewel) of leather, attached to the foot by
a strap or rope passing between the first and second toes
(PL VII, Fig. 2).i
1 The figures represented in the Codices are seldom shown with any protec-
tion for the feet On the bas-reliefs sandals are more common, but they are
shown as attached by two cords passing between the first and second and the
third and fourth toes, a method different from that now in use where only one
cord is employed. Cf. Schellhas, 1890, pp. 215-216. Some figures in the Codi-
ces are shown as wearing sandals with a piece behind coming up over the heeL
Digitized by VjOOQIC
SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS
The relations of the Lacandones to those around them are
generally slight. The greater part of the country occupied by
this people is under grant by the government to companies
formed for the exploitation of mahogany. These companies
have headquarters on the rivers and from these settlements as
centers radiate temporary camps called monteriaSj which are
found practically everywhere throughout the territory occupied
by the Lacandones. The Indians thus have a limited contact
with the Mexicans who live in these logging camps.^ They
visit these monteriaa when they are in need of salt; and the
Mexicans, on the other hand, when passing to and from the
different camps, visit the Indians, more often stealing than
buying bananas and tobacco from the Lacandones. This com-
paratively slight contact with the Spanish population has all
come within the last five years. It seems up to the present
time to have had no perceptible influence on their daily life.
The Indians still keep up their ancient rites, undisturbed by the
Mexicans, whom they never allow to approach, or see their
idols or any of the ceremonies. The Mexicans regard the
Indians as quite beneath their notice other than as curiosities.
In the customs and rites of the Lacandones, no trace of the
early Spanish Catholic contact is to be found. After repeated
attempts the early explorers and missionaries, owing to their ill
success, finally gave up their idea of converting the Lacandones
(p. 13). A little farther to the north, the natives of Palenque,
who speak another dialect of the Maya, are all good Catholics.
Their former religion, as is the case in Yucatan, has given way
to that brought in by the Spanish missionaries. These people
were much more accessible than were the inhabitants of the
interior of Chiapas.
33
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
34 MATA8 AND LACAND0NE8
Galindo (1834) makes the following significant remark con-
cerning the pureness of the Lacandones of the Maya stock:
" La seule portion de pure race restant de cette grande nation
[Maya], se reduit a quelques tribus eparses, habitant principale-
ment les bords des riyidres Usumasinta ... la totalite de leur
territoire fait, politiquement parlant, partie du Peten."
Sometimes in one of the monterias there is found a Lacandone
who has adopted the life and customs of the Mexicans. His
hair is short, and he is not readily to be distinguished from
his fellow-Mexican. This desertion of the family gods is not
common. The Lacandones regard such a course as a bad
breach of conduct. The seceding Indian, on the other hand,
thinks it an upward move. He often renounces his family, and
in some cases he refuses to understand his native tongue.
With the exception of the few Indians who have renounced
their tribe for good and all, no case of intermarriage between
the Lacandones and the Mexicans has been observed. The
slight contact between the two races is shown in the very cur-
sory knowledge of Spanish by the Lacandone, and the very
few Maya words known by the Mexicans of the country.
Those Lacandones who live in the vicinity of the logging
camps understand a few Spanish words necessary in trading
with the Mexicans. There are only a very few who are able
to carry on any connected conversation in Spanish.
Mr. Sapper 1 gives as a reason for the freedom. from Spanish
influence and control the fact that they " even then " were a
nomadic people. The Lacandones are an agricultural rather
than a nomadic race. That they are a nomadic people seems
to be disproved by the fact that they are divided into totemic
divisions, which may still be identified with certain localities.
' Sapper, 1897, p. 259: ** Auch in der Conquista-Zeit ist ihre Zahl schon ziem-
lich beschr&nkt gewesen, und auch damals waren sie schon wenig sesshaft, wie
man aus den Nachrichten ^Iterer Schriftsteller entnimmt, und aus der Yerpfle-
gungsschwierigkeit ffir die Truppen und der stelen Verfinderung der Lacan-
donenwohnsitze erklltrt es sich auch in erster Linie, weshalb das in den unzu-
ganglichen Urwaldern hausende Volk niemals unter die Botmiissigkeit der
Spanier gekommen ist."
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
SOCIAL CnARACTERISTICS 85
They are primarily an agricultural people, and a wandering life
would be impossible. It is true that a change of residence is
made as often as the fields become barren, but the new site is
in the immediate neighborhood of the former home. Their
whole manner of life is entirely at variance with that of a
nomadic character. Finally, the collection of incense-burners
made by each encampment as representatives of the gods,
together with the sacred shrine where they are kept, would seem
to show a certain permanence in their dwelling place. We
must, I think, look for another cause for the failure of the Span-
ish to make a permanent impression upon the life and customs
of the Lacandones, such as they were so successful in doing
among the Mayas of Yucatan and in other parts of Mexico. If
one but reads the Fifth Letter ^ of Hernando Cortes to Charles V
of Spain, describing the expedition to Honduras, and the less
colored account by Bernal Diaz,? he will readily see the main
cause of the ill success of the Spanish in the t ^rrjt/^ry drained
b y the Usumacinta. In a co untry where, as in eastern Yucatan,
there are no natural impediments in the way, of progress such
as rivers, swamps, or high mountains, it was only after repeated
outbreaks and insurrections that the main body of the Maya s
of Yucatan were c ompelled to acknowledge the superior force
qf^Spanish arms and Spanish religi on. Even to this day, a part
still hold out against Mexican rule. It is not then sur prisin g
that, in a habitat w here the n atural difficulties at certain sea-
sons ofjthe year are practically unsurmountable, jthe Spanish
were unsuccessful with a people of t he sa me race as those whose
allegia nce w as gained only p artially un der the most favorable
of natu ral condi tions. The accounts given by Cortes of the
difficulties he suffered in crossing Chiapas and Guatemala are
no exaggerations, and this was the very country occupied by
the Lacandones.
Another cause which may have prevented any prolonged
attempt of the Spanish to^ conq uer the native s of the upper
Usumac inta was the natural poverty of the country in the way
1 See note 27p. ii. « Diaz, 1632.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
86 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
of mineral wealth. An inborn courage, the love of liberty, and
the fact of the dissemination of the natives may be ascribed
as other causes of the prolonged independence of the Lacan-
dones. There is no reason to suppose, however, that these
people are any more sincere in their observances of the old
rites than once were those farther to the north together with
the natives of the peninsula.
The two people at one time were, in all probability, one in
customs and religion as they now practically are in language,
because, as will be shown later, the customs described by Diego
de Lauda and the other early missionaries and historians as
existing in their time are identical in many ways with those
now carried on by the Lacandones. These two_ jfif,M^"« <^f *^^h*^
Maya stock are separated b y a range of moun tain s which has
p roved to be a div iding line between the _two field s as regard s
conta ct wi th Spanish influenge.
As to the relation of the Mayas of Yucatan with people of
another blood, one very interesting fact comes out, a fact noted
by all historians and writers on the inhabitants of the peninsula.
The Spanish, as seen throughout Mexico, Central and South
America, came into the country with their language, religion,
and customs. Unlike any other part of the vast territory in
the new world governed by a Spanish-speaking population,
Yucatan stands almost alone in the fact that the native lan-
guage lias survived and has not been superseded by the language
of the Spaniards, conquerors in all other respects. In most of
the states of Mexico, with the exception of Yucatan, very little
remains of the native tongue. It is only found in isolated
communities where there is little or no contact with the
Mexican element. In Yucatan, the conditions are much differ-
ent. Whether in Merida, its largest city, with an ever increas-
ing European population, or in the fastness of the mblevado
Indians, the native language has still survived. The Mayas
almost without exception speak their mother tongue, and the
white people of the country often speak Maya more or less
fluently. On the haciendas which cover the whole northern
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 37
part of the peninsula, the mayordomoB invariably speak Maya
to the servants, and even the owners frequently use the same
tongue when addressing the field hands. Books are printed in
Maya and sermons are frequently given in it in the churches.
The priests almost without exception have a knowledge of the
language.
The contact with Mexican influence has also failed to change
the native manner of dressing. Tradition is so strong on this
point that if an aspiring Indian assumes the American or
Spanish custom of dress, he is chided and made fun of until
he is quite ready to resume the cotton pantaloons and shirt of
his race. In most respects, however, other than language
and dress, the Maya of Yucatan is practically one with the
Mexican. What remains of the native beliefs and religion has
been altered so that it coincides more or less faithfully with
the ideas of the Catholic Church.
The Lacandones have been described as an agricultural rather
than a nomadic people. The Mayas as well do not seem to have
a wandering spirit. They usually are born and die in the same
place and their children after them. If the fathers are in-
dented servants on the haciendas^ the sons usually become so,
although they do not as a rule inherit the debts of their fathers.
It takes usually more energy than the Mayas possess to over-
come the inertia necessary in making a new move.
The Lacandones re cogni ze the May as of the peninaula as
speaking the same language and as members of the same tribe.
They observe, however, a difference when speaking about
them. They say that the Mayas of Yucatan have different
BantoB^ meaning the protective saints of the Catholic Church as
contrasted with the native gods of the race. They recognize,
moreover, a closer relation between themselves and the Mayas
proper, than between themselves and the natives living to the
northward around Palenque, who speak the Choi dialect of the
Maya stock. This is not as closely allied to the dialect spoken
by the Lacandones as is that of the natives of Yucatan. There
is a much closer relation, however, between the Lacandones and
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
38 MATA8 AND LAGAN DON E8
the Itzas of Peten, than between the former and the inhabit-
ants of the peninsula to the northward. By some authorities,
the Itzas and the Lacandones are regarded as the same people.
Constant trade communications were kept up between the
settlements on the Usumacinta and its affluents and those of
Peten.
The Mayas recognize the Lacandones as speaking the same
language, but as a people very slightly connected with them,
inasmuch as their customs differ so considerably. When any
mention is made of the Mayas of Tabasco and Chiapas, they
are always described as no son cristianos.
The divisions of the Lacandones among themselves show the
remains of a once well-regulated system, now more or less
broken down. The natives live in widely scattered settlements,
two or three related families together.
The Lacandones move their encampments, as has been stated,
from place to place, but only within a very narrow range. As
soon as the fields around a settlement become barren, a new site
is found in the immediate vicinity. Thus a family always lives
in the same general locality, and there is a certain idea of per-
manence in their method of living absent in that of a truly
nomadic people. The changes of encampment usually come
every three or four years. There is no rule that on the death
of a member of the family, a new home must be found. This
is sometimes done, but it is always owing to the supposed or
real unhealthfulness of a certain locality, rather than to any
tribal custom.
These settlements are usually made on the site of a corn field
(PI. VIII, Figs. 1, 2, and 3). Each consists of a sacred hut,
where all the religious observances are carried on, and where
the gods of the family are kept (p. Ill), a smaller hut or sheltei
where the food is prepared for the offerings made to the idols,
and one or more domestic huts. Sometimes two families live
in the same house but occupy separate ends. The domestic life
of each family is distinct. There is little idea of communal
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
SOCIAL CHAKACTERI8TIC8 39
life other than that side touching the religion and the possession
of the fields.
Each encampment has four trails leading to it, corresponding
to the four cardinal points. ^
As has been stated concerning the Nahuatl race at the time
of the Conquest,^ so it is true of the Lacandones of the present
time, they " have achieved progress to descent in the male line."
The oldest son of the first and principal wife is the main heir.
The younger sons receive a part of the inheritance, consisting
principally of the idols of the gods. If there are no sons, the
brothers of the dead man inherit his possessions. The land
is held in common, so that property in land does not exist.
Daughters do not inherit any of the personal possessions of
their father. As would be expected from the fact that the
women take no part in the observance of the religion, they oc-
cupy an inferior place in the household. A widow usually lives
with the oldest son, and as head of the family it is his duty to-
support her.
Mr. Bandelier calls attention to the curious fact that among
the early Mexicans certain grades of consanguinity are called
by the same names, showing that the modern descriptive system
for relationship appears in a minority of cases only. From this
he infers that the Mexican family was yet but imperfectly con-
stituted at the time of the Conquest.* Among the Lacandones
we find the same thing true. The title Yum is given to the
father, the paternal uncles and the eldest son of the oldest
uncle, the future head of the family. Brothers, sisters, and
cousins call each other by the same name. The oldest brother
or male cousin is called Suktm, the oldest sister or female cousin,
Klk. The oldest children are thus distinguished as to age and
sex. The younger brothers, sisters, and cousins of both sexes
all have the same name, "Wioin.
1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXV, p. 210: "Uso era en todos los pueblos de
Yucatan tener hecho dos montones de piedra, uno en frente de otro, i la entrada
del pueblo por todas las quatro partes del pueblo. . . .'?
2 Bandelier, 1879, p. 667. « Ibid,, p. 570.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
40 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
Each family branch bears the name of some animal. This is
transmitted through the male line. Inasmuch as the members
of one line of descent generally live in the same neighborhood,
the animal names become associated with certain localities.
Landa makes no mention of the family totem names. He says,
however, that it was considered a sin for members of the same
family to marry. ^ Now, although not frequent, one sometimes
finds a marriage existing between two people of the same family
connection, thus bearing the same animal name.
Whatever there may have been of the idea of the totem and
totemic devices in regard to the animals, it has been lost, and
nothing remains but the mere animal name of the division.
The animal totem is called yonen, the general term for rela-
tive. The kid (yuk) painted on the ceremonial robe (PI. XV,
Fig. 1) is the only example found where there was any approach
to a representation of a totemic device. There seems to be a
• common practice of keeping in captivity the animals connected
with the settlement in a totemic signification. Monkeys, doves,
and small birds were noted as kept as pets, especially by the
women.
The names of eighteen animal divisions were obtained. The
location given may be taken only approximately, as it was im-
possible to obtain an accurate idea of the situation of the differ-
ent gentes. The people who live in the vicinity of Lake Petha^
belong to the maaft (Spanish mico) or monkey gens. Near
Anaite, on the Usumacinta River, live the koton (Spanish tejon)
or badger gens and the sanhol gens. The Mexicans of the
country call the sanhol the eabeza llanca. The qeqen (Span-
ish jahalin) or wild boar, the kitam (Spanish puerco del
monte)^ the ke (Spanish venddoi) or small deer, the yuk (Span-
ish cahritu) or kid, the tiUup (Spanish golondrind)^ and the
sup gens are all located near the shores of the Lacantun Rivef .
It was impossible to obtain a more accurate idea of their situa-
1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XXV, p. 140 : " y muchos avia que nunca avian tenido
sino una (mujer) la qual ninguno toraava de su nombre, de parte de su padre."
a See map in Maler, 1901-1903, Plate I.
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SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 41
tion. Near Tenosique are found the qambol (Spanish faisari)
or pheasant, the balnm or tiger, and the mo or macaw gens.
Near the monteria of San Hipolito (a few leagues north of Lake
Petha) are to be found the harleu (Spanish tepeizquinte) and
koi (Spanish cqjolito i) gens. Near El Cambio, on the Chan-
cala River, are located the wan (Spanish perdiz) or partridge,
the tn^ or parrot, and the baao (Spanish saraguato) gens.
The akmai (Spanish mico de Tioche) gens is said to be located
at Peten in Guatemala.
In addition to the animal name which every person bears,
there is another designation which is very indefinite. The
people of the qeqen and kitam gens are also given the name
kow5, and those of the kotom and sanhol divisions, the name
taS, which has the meaning level. Those who belong to the
maao gens are also known by the term karsia. This word
seems to be more Spanish than Maya in form. The Mexicans
of the vicinity know this particular settlement by the latter
name, whereas they are in total ignorance of the divisions
according to animal names. Sapper speaks without comment
of the Q-areias seemingly as a division of the Lacandones.^
The balnm gens has the other designation puk, the root of the
verb meaning to destroy anything made of earth. It is impos-
sible to tell on what this second classification is based. There
seems to be no special class of objects used as names. The
same words are found used as surnames among the Mayas of
Yucatan. Kow5 is the name of a family living near Valladolid.^
This second designation among the Lacandones may be the
remains of a once elaborate system of social organization with
divisions made up of families and groups of families joined
together with bonds of relationship.
The native speaks of the animal names noted above as in-
yonen, my relative, so that there seems to be a close bond
1 This is from the Nahuatl word cojoUtU ^ Sapper, 1897, pp. 262, 263.
» Among others there were noted as surnames among the Mayas, tian, little ;
boi, black ; mei, beard ; toi, a falsehood ; eq, palo de tinta ; and oap, the
latUer of a snake.
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42 MATA8 AND LACAND0NE8
between all the people bearing the same name and the animal
itself.
There is another name corresponding to the Spanish word
tocayo^ or namesake. This is also the name of an animal, but it
is not handed down from father to son as in the former case,
but seems to be given as regards priority of birth. The first
son is usually given the name Qin, sun, and his secondary ani-
mal name is Baao, monkey.^ The first daughter is called Naqin,
(from na, house), and she also shares the same animal name as
her oldest brother. The second son to be born is usually given
the name Qalyom, singing god, and his secondary animal name
is Sanhol (Spanish cabeza hlancd). The second daughter is
called Naqaiytun, and she is also associated with the sanhol as is
the second son. The third son is called Tianqin, little sun, and
the third daughter, in the same way, Natianqin. There are
other names found in use, Bol, a verb meaning to distribute
food, and Nabol, the corresponding name given to the girl.
I could not make out what son and what daughter bore these
names, but those who possessed it had as their secondary animal
names, Qimbol, a species of snake. It seems from the meaning
of the word bol that the domestic head of the family may have
had this designation. If this is the case, it seems probable that
the persons having this name did not always occupy the same
relative position in the order of age in the family. In one case
I found the name Bol given to the oldest son, but in all other
cases he bore the name Qin. It may come out on further inves-
tigation that there may be a difference as regards naming the
first son in respect to his mother, whether or not she is the
wife first married or a later one.
Each of the pairs of names — Qin and Naqin, Qaiynm and
Naqaiyum, Tianqin and Natftanqin, Bol and Nabol — has as their
special possession secular songs relating to the animals whose
names they bear.
1 It will be noted that the baao is also found as one of the names in the
primary animal classification.
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SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 43
Thus, to sum up, we find a number of different names used
by the Lacandones.
(1) They address each other by the terms of relationship to
I themselves, cousins and brothers being considered the same.
I (2) Each family has an animal name which is transmitted
\ from father to son.
j (3) There is some larger division, and certain families are
/ united under one name. This has not been successfully worked
\ out.
J (4) Each person in the family bears a name as regards the
/ order of precedence of birth.
( (5) Each person in the family bears an animal name which
\ varies as the name under (4) varies. All first sons have the
same name and the same animal name.
It may be well to investigate in detail the form of govern-
ment of the families among whom most of the rites described
were witnessed. Two brothers, Qin and Chanqin, of the maao
gens, had married two sisters of the qeqen family. These
two families live in peace under the same roof; each, however,
with its own distinct camp fire and food. The older brother
rules supreme in the little settlement, and it is he who decides
all questions which may come up. A half league away lives
the aged mother of the two brothers together with a grandson,
the child of her oldest son who is dead. Two of her daughters
also live in this encampment. They are both married to a man
of the same gens. The grandson, Qin, the heir of the oldest
son, would naturally be the head of the encampment. He is still
young and unable to carry out the demands of the religious
ceremonies. Tliese are therefore undertaken by the husband
of his two aunts and not, as might at first be supposed, by one
of the uncles.
One may see in this the faint remains of the matriarchal
system, where, on the death of the oldest son and during the
childhood of the heir, the regency is held, not by the deceased
man's brothei*s, but by the husband of his sister.
There is little or no need of _£(2aCfiXled_action or^_of^ any
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44 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
central government among the^LacandonesaJiying, as tllfi3L.do,
separated into self-sustaining communities.^ When a man
gives a feast, he invites all Ks neighbors far and near. He is
the lord of the ceremony, however, and holds absolute control
within the little settlement where it is observed. The others
are his guests, and they all pay him honor and obedience as
their host.
A pleasing custom always observed among the Lacandones is
seen in the greeting and taking leave of the giver of one of the
feasts by the guests. A set form of speech is used and the
giver of the feast is addressed by the title Yum, father or
lord. At the entrance to the sacred inclosure each person
utters the following words, Bininkinwile inyume, I come to
see you, my lord. The person addressed always bids him enter,
Orken. In taking leave the form is Bininka tinna, I am going
to my house. The guest never leaves, however, until the
giver of the feast has given him permission to depart, den, go.
The members of the family of the host are also addressed
singly by their titles of relationship to the speaker as Bininkin-
wile inkik, I am coming to see you, my sister. Among the
Mayas, the form used in taking leave is more in the nature of
asking permission, dikeni, may I go? and the answer is den, go.
This custom is not carried so far among the Mayas as among
the Lacandones.^ Every one present in a hut is not individ-
ually addressed when one is leaving, as among the latter people.
The family with the father at the head Js^^hg unit in the X
«onial^m; gfinizatTon_ jTFthft napamTones. A group of related
families seems to form the gens^: There is noevidence that we [
can safely accept which shows any larger division than the gens
There is no need for a larger unit. Wars have disappeared, and
there is no cause for the compact form of society where strength
^ Margi), 1606, gives an interesUng account of the social organization of the
Lacandones.
aCf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXIII, p. 132: "Porque en el progresso de bus
platicas, el menor por curiosidad siiele repetir el nombre del ofiBcio 6 dignldad
del mayor. "
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SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 46
is needed to resist an enemy or where each family has its
portion of labor to perform in order to sustain the whole, as
among people of a higher social status. Among the Lacandones,
family is isolated from family, each with its own fields. The
different functions of society are carried out by the members of
the family. The father, assisted by his oldest son, clears the
forest to make the fields and carries on the rites of their re-
ligion, while the mother and the daughters spin and weave the
cotton into clothing, grind the corn, and carry on the ordinary
work of the household. Their part in the religious life con-
sists in the preparation of the food and drink to be offered the
idols in behalf of the gods. The family thus seems to be the
unit also in the religious life. The gods are, for the most part,
family deities rather than tribal.
The gathering of the families of the same gens occurs at
certain of the important rites. The daily and weekly cere-
monies carried on before the incense-burners ai'e performed by
the male members of the family.
The morals of the family are strict. Prostitution or adultery
seldom occurs. Until marriage the daughters remain under the
strict control and care of their fathers. The father of the boy
seeks the bride, and she comes to live in his home.^ There are
exceptions to this rule, as in the case cited before, where the
husband had married the two sisters and had come to live at
their home. The marriage ceremony is not complicated.
There is an offering of poBol and baltie to the gods, and the man
and woman eat together as a sign that they are man and wife.
After marriage, a man and woman never again eat with their
parents. If one is visiting at the home of his father and
mother, he eats apart from them. A widow, all of whose sons
are married, is thus compelled to eat alone.
Polygyny is not an uncommon thing among the Lacandones.
No instances have been observed of a man having more than
three wives. The women all live together, and the duties of
the household are divided and shared among them. There
1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXV, p. 140.
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46 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
seems always to be a favorite wife. Usually she is the first one
married. It is she who brings to her husband, in the sacred in-
closure, the food and drink prepared by the wives to be offered
to the gods. A woman is regarded in the relationship of aunt
(o6na) to the children of her husband by another wife.
Polyandry has been reported among the Lacandones, but the
fact has, I think, never been established.
Among the Mayas of Yucatan, the man has to make a present
to the parents of the girl, and it is he who pays for the clothes
necessary for the marriage.
The fecundity of the Maya race is large but not excessive.^
Marriages generally take place at a very early age. One often
finds mothers of thirteen and fourteen, which shows the quick
development of the girl into the woman. At child birth there
is a special ceremony held before the idols, where prayers are
offered up in behalf of the mother and her child. A pregnant
woman wears around her neck a cotton string (kut«). This is
to preserve the life of the embryo. After the child is born, the
mother places the string around the neck or the leg (see PI.
XXVI, Fig. 1) of some one who is ill, usually a male relative.
If it is taken off, the child dies and the man loses the beneficial
effect of its presence. It is effective for about a year. Children
are kept at the breast a much longer time than among white
people. 2
Children among the Lacandones are usually called by the
terms of their relationship to the speaker. This is especially
true of brothers, sisters, and cousins who address each other as
brother and sister. The eldest son of a family bears the name
Qin until the death of his father, when he receives the title
Yum. The eldest daughter is named dnuk (the large one),
1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXII, p. 192 : ** Son muy fecundas y tempranas en
parir, y grandes criaderas por dos razones, la una porque la bevida de las manafias
que beven caliente cria mucha leche y el continue moler de su maiz y no traer
los pechos apretados les haze tenerlos muy grandes donde les viene tener mucha
leche."
2 /6id., Chap. XXX, p. 180: ** Mama van mucho, porque nunca dexavan de
darles leche pudiendo, aunque fuessen de tres o quatro afios.**
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SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 47
and the younger daughters are usually called Tftasnuk (little
ones). These names are in addition to those used in connec-
tion with animal names.
In Yucatan the child is always carried astride the hip.
Among the inhabitants of Chiapas, the custom is also common
(PI. Ill, Fig. 2). Here the very small children are often
suspended in a net on the back of the mother, the net being
supported by a cord passing over the forehead.
There seem to be no elaborate puberty rites. When a boy
arrives at the age of manhood, the father offers a bow and a set
of arrows to the gods in behalf of the boy, with a prayer be-
seeching them to make his son a good hunter. After this the
boy may take an active part in all the rites, and it is at this time
that he assumes the loin cloth. A girl, on arriving at the age
of puberty, wears the bunch of bird feathers suspended from
the back of the head.
Ages are reckoned as regards the number of dry and wet
! seasons that have passed. Taiqin, the first sun, is used to desig-
nate the dry epoch, and hahal, from ha, water, the rainy season.
I was unable to find any trace of the ancient system of reckon-
ing time.
The mortuary customs furnish a means of ascertaining the
ideas concerning death and a future life. The belief among
the Lacandones is, that when a person dies, his '^jujjafi^" as it is
expressed (upiiannqab), goes below, to live in the underworld
with Kisin (p. 95), and the heart goes above, to remain
with Nohotiakynm, the main god. Among the Lacandones,
■the body, lying on its back, is placed in a grave about two
feet in depth. On the abdomen a bundle of ground corn
is deposited for making posol and tortillas. Parallel sticks
are laid crosswise the body, followed by a layer of palm leaves.
On these the earth is piled until the grave is filled and a mound
,' about a foot high is made. Ashes are sprinkled over the mound,
and at each of the four corners there is placed a small figure
made of palm leaves and representing a dog. These are sup-
posed to accompany the soul as guardians to its final resting
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48 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
place. ^ Around the grave is a line of small sticks about four
inches apart. On the top of each stick is a bit of cloth dipped
in beeswax. Each male member of the family of the deceased
plants and lights three or more of these rude candles, and each
woman and child two.^ A shelter of palm leaves is finally
built over the grave. From the roof there is suspended a gourd
filled with poBoU another with water, and a third containing
tortillas.^ This food, together with that placed directly on the
1 Seler (1900-1901, pp. 82-83) gives an interesting parallel of the Nabua idea
of the dog and his connection with death. He paraphrases Sahagun as follows :
**The native Mexican dogs . . . barked, wagged their tails, in a word, behaved in
all respects like our own dogs, were kept by the Mexicans not only as house com-
panions, but above all for the shambles, and also in Yucatan and on the coast
land for sacrifice. The importance that the dog had acquired in the funeral rites
may perhaps have originated in the fact that, as the departed of both sexes were
accompanied by their effects, the prince by the women and slaves in his service,
BO the dog was consigned to the grave as his master's associate, friend, and guard,
and that the persistence of this custom in course of time created the belief that
the dog stood in some special relation to the kingdom of the dead. It may also
be that, simply because it was the practice to burn the dead, the dog was looked
on as the Fire God^s animal and the emblem of fire, the natives got accustomed
to speak of him as the messenger to prepare the way in the kingdom of the dead,
and thus eventually to regard him as such. At the time when the Spaniards
made their acquaintance, it was the constant practice of the Mexicans to commit
to the grave with the dead a dog, who had to be of a red-yellow color, and had
a string of unspun cotton round his neck, and was first killed by the thrust of a
dart in his throat The Mexicans believed that four years after death, when the
soul had already passed through many dangers on its way to the underworld, it
came at last to the bank of a great river, the Chicunauhapan, which encircled the
underworld proper. The souls could get across this river only when they were
awaited by their little dog, who, on recognizing his master on the opposite side,
rushed into the water to bring him over.** ( Sahagun, 3 Appendix, Chap. I.)
' The idea of candles in connection with the burial rites may be of Spanish
origin, although there is no suggestion of the cross in connection with the burial
ceremony.
8Cf. CogoUudo, 1688, Bk. XII, Chap. Vn, p. 699: "Que en muriendo la
persona, para sepultar el cuerpo, le doblan las piemas, y ponen la cara sobre las
rodillas . . . abren en tierra, un hoyo redondo. . . . Al rededor le ponen mucha
vlanda, una xicara, un calaba9o con atole, falvados de maiz, y unas tortillas
grandes de lo mismo, que han lleuado juntamente con el cuerpo, y assi lo cubren
despues con tierra."
Also cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXIII, p. 196: **Muertos los amortajavan
hinchandoles la boca del maiz molido que es su comida y bevida que Uaman
koyem."
For a later account, cf. Sapper, 1897, p. 265 : »* Bei den Lacandonen im
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SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 49
body, is to furnish sustenance on the journey which the soul
(piftan) takes to the home of the main god of the Lacandones.
After its arrival at the final resting place, its welfare is assured.
The water contained in the gourd, hung in the shelter, is to
wash the hands before the food is touched, and the four dogs,
as has been noted, are supposed to accompany the body on its
journey as protectors. The parallel sticks placed over the body
are to guard it from being devoured by the animals of the forest.
Otherwise the animals might consume the body and then they
might be killed and eaten, in turn, by the people. This would
be considered as one of the greatest crimes known to the
Lacandones. The ashes placed on top of the grave symbolize
the warmth given to the soul to protect it from the cold.
Incineration is no longer practiced in any form.^
Among the Mayas of Yucatan, a burial is usually carried out
according to the customs of the Catholic Church. Food and
drink, however, are placed on the grave.
Trade is carried on to a limited extent by the Lacandones
among themselves. Cocoa berries, masses of copal, wax, rubber,
and bunches of feathers are often used as the mediums of ex-
change as in former times.^
Sociology of the Mayas. — There is little that can be said
concerning the sociology of the Mayas. They live under the
laws of the Mexican Republic. In the p%Leblo% they elect their
own pre%idente for the town. All the former forms of tribal
division are completely lost. Polygyny is not allowed to exist,
and it is not openly carried on. The morals of the family are
loose. Prostitution is conunon. Landa speaks with surprising
candor of the morals of the natives before and after the entrance
iistUchen Chiapas soUen die Leichname im Walde auf einen Holzrost in einer nor
handtiefen Grube gelegt und mit Laub und Erde destreut werden, so dass sie
also den Ttiieren zum Frasse dienen kbnnten/'
1 Cf . Landa, 1864, p. 198.
« CJf. " Relaci6n de Mutul," 1900, Vol. XI, p. 87 : ** Los tratos y contrataciones y
grangerias que ay entre los naturales y espafloles son mantas de algodon, cera, y
miel, y sal, y otras cosas de mantenimiento, que benden unos a otros y en cacao
que se trae de laprobincia de tabasco y de onduras.**
\
A
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50 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
of the Spaniards into the country.^ When one takes into con-
sideration the fact that the account was written by a priest of
the people whom he criticises so harshly concerning the evils
which they have brought into the country, the statement has
great weight.
1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXII, p. 186: *' Preciavanse de buenas j tenian razon,
porque antes que conociessen nuestra nacion, segun los viejos aora Uoran, lo eran
a maravilla.**
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INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY
Agriculture. —^Agriculture is necess arily very crude among
both the M^yaa and the L acandones, owing to the natureofjhe
ground and the lack of modern tools an d^ethQd s. It is prac-
ticaUy identi cal in both localities. Co rn, the stap le product and
t he fundamental article of food, is culti vated^f ter the man ner
of th e countr y. There are several kinds of corn found among
the iViayas and the Lacandones, and they are distinguished
chiefly by their colors.^ Some of the varieties are found in
every settlement and encampment. In December or January
a site well exposed to the sun is selected, and the trees are
felled and the undergrowth cut away. During the succeeding
months of the season of drought, the fallen trees become well
dried. Just before the rainy season sets in, during the middle
of April or the first of May, the mass of underbrush and trees
are burned, thus clearing and enriching the ground at the same
time. At the coming of the rains, the corn is placed in the
ground, which has had no preparation other than the clearing
and burning of the trees.
Tjlfi preparation -of- the <)om for fo od may well be regarded
as a separate industry. The greater part of the time of the^
women is thus taken up. Most of the corn is eaten in the form
^f tor tillas. The corn is first soaked overnight in an alkali to
remove the hulls. In Yucatan, limestone is burned to furnish"
this alkali. In Chiapas, it is often diflScult to find limestone
which is pure enough for this purpose. The shells of the fresh-
water snails are burned as a substitute. A strong lye is also
obtained from the ashes of the bark of the mahogany tree.
1 Among the varieties of corn are s&kilm or inoknal, a large white corn ;
ti&ktioti or tiftkinuknal, a large red variety ; ti&ktiikiiioonot, a small red
corn ; qanilm, a yellow kind ; and tiikinoonot, a blue variety.
61
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62 MATA8 AND LACAND0NE8
The com is ground 'moist on the stone metate (Nahuatl met-
atl) (PL IX, Fig. 1). As seen among the Mayas, the stone is
slightly concave, is inclined, and supported on three legs. The
crusher is long and round, and extends beyond the edges of
the metate. The corn is often ground over six or seven times,
until it is in the form of a fine paste or batter. This is then
made into tortillas (PL IX, Fig. 2). In Yucatan the ordinary
form of tortilla is about four inches in diameter, whereas among
the Lacandones the size often approaches nine or ten inches.
There is a form of tortilla (op) called in Spanish to%tado9 or
totoposUe (Nahuatl totopoohtli). These are browned and re-
semble more nearly the cracker. The totopo%tle are made in
large numbers at one time, and are used as desired by simply
warming them in the ashes.
Another form in which the maize is largely used is called
poBol (maao), a drink. The corn is first boiled without lye and
then ground moist as before. Masses of this are then wrapped
in banana leaves, and it is used as desired. These bundles of
ground corn furnish the principal food when journeys are
undertaken. A handful of the corn is mixed thoroughly with
water. This forms a most refreshing as well as a nourishing
drink. The corn in this form is considered better if it has
soured.
Tiokos&ka is a drink made of the ground corn used in making
tortillas mixed with warm water and taken hot. Saqnum is
made of the corn treated with lye mixed with water and the
whole boiled together. Qa is a drink made from corn ground
dried after being roasted.
The third way in which the corn is used is in the form of
tamales. The maize serves as a covering for an interior of ehiU^
meat, or frejoles. The whole is then wrapped in a large leaf
and boiled or steamed. Among the Lacandones a great quan-
tity of these tamales are made of corn and frejoles. They are
called buliwa^ and are one of the principal offerings made to
their gods in the religious rites (p. 102).
Throughout Yucatan, as well as Chiapas, the Mexicans and
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INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 63
other inhabitants have very generally adopted the food native
to the country.
In the fields between the hills of corn are planted camotes (l»),^
a species of sweet potato. When fully grown, their presence in
the ground is indicated by a slight cracking in the surface of
the soil. A pointed stick is all that is used in digging them
out. Tucca (oin), a farinaceous plant, is also grown in the same
field with the corn as well as a small tomato (beyantftan).
Fr^oleB (buul), a species of black kidney bean, form with
the tortilla the daily food of the Maya. The beans are boiled
and eaten with chile. Sugar cane and bananas are grown
extensively.
Among the Lacandones tobacco (quo) finds a place in their
fields. Native cotton (taman) is extensively grown. This is
spun, woven, and made into clothing. In Yucatan the prin-
cipal product outside of the corn (iftim) is heneqaen (soskil).
The cultivation of this plant would be impossible but for the
presence of the natives. The entire working force on the had-
endoB is composed of Mayas.
Hunting. — Next to the cultivation of corn, the hunt fur-
nishes the most important means of obtaining food. The La-
candones use the bow and arrow (PL X, Fig. 1)^ in killing
their game, which ranges in size from the smallest birds up to
the mountain lion. The Indians have great accuracy of aim
and put great force into sending the shaft. The description of
the bow and the several kinds of arrow will be taken up later
(p. 67). The necessity of offering meat to the idols of the
gods in their ceremonies causes the Lacandone to devote much
time to the hunt. They often leave the hut before daybreak
^ For the botanical names, see under Flora, p. 21.
' Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXIX, p. 170 : ** Que tenian armas offensivas y defen-
sivas. Ofensiyas eran arcos y flechas que Uevavan en sn cargaje con pedemales
por caxcillos y dientes de pescados muy agudas, las quales tiran con gran des-
treza y fuerza."
Also cf. Sapper, 1897, p. 261 : " Zur Jagd verwenden die Lacandonen noch
immer Bogen und Pfeile, letztere mit Feuersteinspitzen, welche sie mittelst eines
Hommeissels spalten.**
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64 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
and retuni late at night, and very seldom with empty hands.
All the Mayas of the peninsula, together with the Lacandones
who live nearest the settlements of the Mexicans, use in place
of the bow and arrow the old muzzle-loading musket and the
powder horn. The natives of both localities are skillful in
imitating the cries and calls of animals and birds. The cry of
the young venado is very faithfully reproduced by a horn whis-
tle, which the natives manufacture. Often a large number of
Indians will join together for a general hunt, and the results
are divided on the return.
Venado^ a small deer, and wild tu rkeys are the prmcipal game
in Yucatan^ Partridge and quailare^also plenty._ In the re-
gion of the Usumacinta River, practically all the animals known
to the colder parts of the torrid zone abound. Monkeys of
several varieties furnish a constant source of food.^
Fishing. — T he natives of the coast of Yucatan engage ex ten-
sively in fishing. Owi n g to the lack of rivers and lakes, how -
ever, t he greater part of the Mayas of the peninsula have no
knowledge of the industry . Ajaong the Lacandones it is qu ite
diffe rent, a s^nvers and lakes abound and they are well stocked
with fish. Among the most important are the saktan or nahwa
(Spanish Bardind)^ Bohom, ti&klaii, which is a red fish, makabil,
tft&kbil, and ti&kal. Turtles and turtle eggs form a large supply
of food. As many as four hundred or five hundred eggs are
sometimes found in one hunt. Fresh-water crabs and snails
(tot) are numerous. The natives of Chiapas have a primitive
way of catching fish. They shoot them from the end of a canoe
with a wooden-pointed arrow (PI. X, Fig. 2). They are very
expert in this. They also have come to know the use of the
hook and line, and they are skillful in making nets. A spear
about eight feet long is sometimes used in catching fish and
turtles. This has a detachable point hung by a cord.
Navigation. — Along the coast of Yucatan, especially on the
eastern side, on the Usumacinta River and its tributaries, and
on the lakes of Chiapas and Guatemala, navigation is engaged
^ See p. 22 for a more complete list of animals hunted for game.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 55
in extensively by the natives. As has been noted (p. 9),
Columbus on his last voyage encountered a canoe some way out
at sea which probably came from Yucatan. The early Mayas
and the Lacandones of the present time use the>^^M<?<?» or
dugout^ (tiem). It is made of a mahogany log, and is often
thirty or more feet in length, three feet in breadth, and capable
of carrying fifteen or twenty men.
Weaving. — The Mexican influence seen throughout the pen-
insula, with the exception of the narrow strip along the eastern
coast, has robbed the Mayas of many of their former arts and
industries by furnishing them with substitutes, — the gun for
the bow and arrow and cotton cloth for the hand-woven clothing.
The Lacandones, however, still keep up the practice of their for-
mer arts of spinning and weaving, basket and pottery making,
and the fashioning of the bow and arrow. There is some fear""
that the arts of spinning and weaving, long since vanished from
Yucatan, will also disappear from among the Lacandones in
another generation. They now buy the cotton cloth of Mexi-
can manufacture for their commonest clothes. Every Indian
along the Usumacinta still has his cotton patch, however. The
wives gather the product and spin it upon a spindle composed
of a slender pointed stick about ten inches long, which passes
through a small ball or disk either of wood or bone. The spindle
is twisted between the fingers as the lower end rests in a small
gourd, which is either held between the knees or placed on the
ground in front of the person. The mass of unspun cotton
rests on the shoulder, and, as it is spun, it is wound on the
spindle (PL XI, Fig. 1). The coarse yam thus made is used
directly in the loom. The colored thread used in making a
woman's skirt is usually obtained from the Mexicans in trade.
The loom is of the same form as is seen among the Mexican
Indians (PI. XII, Fig. 1), the Pueblo peoples, and the Navajos.
The position of the loom is horizontal rather than vertical,
as among the Navajos. The Lacandone loom has two
bamboo reeds fastened to the finished cloth to hold it out to
the desired width, as the piece of cloth woven is often eight
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56
MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
or ten feet long. As it is finished it is wound up on the top
cross stick. A shuttle is used in weaving the plain garments.
The end of the loom where the work is being done is fastened
by a band around the waist of the weaver ^ and the other end
is tied to a post or tree. The worker then sits as far back
as possible from the post to give the required tension (PL XI,
Fig. 2).* The cloth is always woven in one straight piece,
and is sewed together afterward in forming either the poncho-
like upper garment of the men and women alike or the scant
skirt of the women. The looms are all about the same width,
which is not over two and a half feet.
Another form of weaving is seen in the manufacture of
hammocks. According to
Don Juan Molina Solis,*
the hammock is not, as is
commonly supposed, native
to the Mayas of Yucatan,
but its use was introduced
by the Spaniards, who first
brought it from the island
of Santo Domingo. The
hammock is now used uni-
versally throughout Yucatan
by the Mexicans as well as
by the Mayas. A swinging
seat much like a hammock is suspended in a tree and used by
hunters at night. This, according to Mr. E. H. Thompson, is
native to the country, and may be the ancestor of the hammock.*
The hammocks are all of native workmanship, and are
^ Compaxe the loom used among the Fokomchi Indians pictured by Sapper,
1904, a, Plate IV, Fig. 2.
^ Fig. 1 shows an interesting parallel taken from the Codex Tro-Cortesianus.
« Molina, 1806, p. 247.
* An Italian Ms. in the British Museum by Galeotto Cey (Viaggio e Relazione
delle Indie, 1530-1552) has upon the margin of one of the pages an interesting
ink sketch of a hammock, called amaccoTy probably the first picture of a ham-
mock from the Indies.
Pio. 1.
Tro-Cort. 79, c.
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INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 57
usually made of henequen. This is first twisted into cord by
rolling it on the bare knee with the palm of the hand. The
strands are then woven on frames set up in the domestic hut.
The Lacandones also use the hammock for sleeping. They
make them only for their own use, and it is almost impossible
to find one which may be bought. The cord is a species of
agave fiber, and is twisted in the same manner as in Yucatan.
The hammock, however, is quite different. It is not woven in
the strict sense of the word, but is composed of parallel cords
knotted together at intervals of about six inches (PI. XII,
Fig. 2). The finished hammock is only about three feet wide
and seven feet long, whereas that of Yucatan is often sixteen
feet long and can be stretched out to a great width. The
Lacandone hammock, owing to the nature of its construction,
cannot be stretched. The natives of Chiapas also make a ham-
mock with the ordinary checker-board weave.
Still another form of weaving among the Lacandones is seen
in the manufacture of the carrying nets or bag3 -which are
carried supported on the back by a strap or cord going over
the forehead. These are used principally to bring corn and
other products from the milpa. These bags are made of agave
fiber, and are netted rather than woven.
Baskets are made both by the Mayas and the Lacandones.
They are crude affairs, however, and have little or no artistic
value. Coiled basketry is unknown. The form usually taken
by the Maya baskets is that of a wide-mouthed bowl with
straight sides. Bird cages of basketry are often made in both
localities. These are round and come to a point at the top.
When the huts of the natives have doors, as is the case in most
parts of Yucatan, they are usually made of vines or hejuco%
woven on upright sticks.
Manufacture of Bows and Arrows. — The Lacandones seem t o
deyote_all their artistic strength to the manufacture of their
bows (t inlnl or pooptie)an J arrows (htll orherlerl) (Fig. 2, p. 58).
These bows and arrows in their shape and finish certainly
show a love of the beautiful in their fashioners. The bow
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I
58
MAYA8 AND LACAND0NE8
!;
-o
is made of the wood of the ffuar/acan or lignum vitsB
(^Gtcaicum sanctum')^ which is especially adapted by
reason of its strength and elasticity. The only -tool
used in the manufacture of the bows and arrows is
the machete^ now to be found every-
where throughout most of the ter-
ritory occupied by the Lacandones.
The natives who live between Lake
Petha and Ocosingo in Chiapas
seem to be the principal fashioners
of the bows. They get out the
wood, shape it rudely, and then
barter it with the Lacandones of
other regions. The wood of which
the bow is made is full of pitch. This
is extracted by heating in the fire.
Heat is also used in straightening
and shaping the arrows. The bow
is usually a little shorter than the
person for whom it is intended. The
general length is about five feet six
inches. They are nearly straight,
curving slightly in the direction op-
posite to that when drawn. The cross
section of the middle of the bow
approaches an ellipse, the larger di-
ameter about an inch. This decreases
toward the ends, which are round in
cross section and about a half inch in
diameter. The bow string is made
o
Fio. 2.
Lacandone bow and arrows (after Maler) : a,
bow ; 6, bird bolt ; c, wooden pointed arrow for
fish and small game ; d, stone-pointed backed
arrow ; e, stone-pointed arrow. Scale : i.
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INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 59
of twisted agave fiber. The upper tip of the bow is called unl,
its nose ; the middle of the back upati, its back ; the middle of
the front utan, its middle ; and the end resting on the ground
ution, its stem.^
The arrows in their finish are works of art. They are of
three kinds, according to their intended use. The arrows
used with the largest bows are about four feet six inches long,
with the exception of the bird bolt, which is slightly over four
feet. All the arrows have two clipped feathers (uiik, its wing)
at the end, at right angles to the notch for the bow string.
This notch is made in a separate piece of wood, which is in-
serted into the hollow end of the reed forming the shaft of the
arrow. The feathers are from the buzzard (balunkuk or kon-
toq), two species of parrots (mo and 9linaii), and two species
of hawk (ekpip and suktiiti). Both feathers on the same
arrow are usually from the same bird. Large quantities of
feathers are usually kept on hand. Each is strung upon a
cord, and the whole carefully wrapped in bark fiber until they
are used.
A set of arrows is usually composed of twelve: a bird bolt
(pakat) (6, Fig. 2), four unpointed (e. Fig. 2), two stone-
pointed and the foreshafts barbed (rf, Fig. 2), and five stone-
pointed and the foreshafts either square or round («, Fig. 2).
The bird bolt is made of a hollow reed (Spanish carrizo or cafla
hravd). It is very light in weight. The point is made of
wood and is very blunt. This arrow is designed for use in
capturing birds alive, as it stuns rather than kills them. All
the arrows other than the bird bolt are made with a shaft (her-
l«rl) and foreshaft (tiuste). The shaft is always made of the
same hollow light reed as the bird bolt, and is about two feet
ten inches long for use with the bow of five feet six inches.
The foreshaft is about one foot eight inches long, and is either
round in cross section or square. This is made of several
1 For a detailed discussion of the Lacandone bow and arrow and a compari-
son with those of other Central American peoples, see Sapper, 1903, p. 56, Figs.
16-17, d.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
60 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
kinds of wood. The palo de tinta or logwood (eq) is often
found. The chico%apote (s&kya) is also a common wood for the
foreshaft.^
The foreshaft is tipped with a stone point (toq) generally of
flint 2 but sometimes of obsidian, bone, or glass. The base
of the point is sunk in a notch (upak) in the end of the fore-
shaft, which is afterward wound with sinew heavily coated
with wax. By holding the end over the fire for a moment,
the wax melts and the whole is rubbed smooth, making a firm
joint. The point of insertion (uqas, its band) of the foreshaft
Fia. 3.
Package of flint flakes from which arrow points are made. (After Maler.)
into the hollow reed which is the shaft is wound firmly with
the waxed sinew (tftuklkib).
The chipping of the flint is easily and quickly done by
means of a knuckle bone or piece of steel. The chipping of
the flake from the large core is done after heating the latter
in the fire. The flake which is to be pointed is held in the left
hand between the thumb and forefinger, the former being pro-
tected by a piece of bark fiber. The bone or steel is held in
the right hand. The point is easily made into the desired
shape by pressure alone.^
1 The names in Maya for some of the varieties of wood employed in the fore-
shafts, some of which I have been unable to identify, are as follows : qiis,
moste, ti&kya, uqaqtie, kektie, and kuktfie.
3 Fig. 3 (after Maler, 1901-1903, p. 37) shows a package of flint flakes from
which arrow points are made.
' Cf. Sapper, 1897, p. 261 : '' Ich selbst habe nicht Gelegenheit gehabt, das
Verfertigen von Pfeilspitzen mit. anzusehen ; dagegen sah ich am See Pet Ha in
Chiapas za, wie ein Lacandone abgebrochene Pfeilspitzen wieder sch&rfte ; er
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INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 61
In every set of twelve arrows, there are usually two whose
foreshaft is cut into barbs either on one or both sides. This
arrow (tututi) is used for shooting monkeys in order that it
cannot be pulled out. For shooting fish and small birds an ,
arrow is used of the same form as the stone-tipped arrow with
the stone point lacking. The wooden foreshaft is simply
sharpened.
The arrow release is the " primary release," with the arrow
between the thumb and the second joint of the forefinger.
Owing to the great length of the arrow, the bow, when pulled,
has necessarily to make a large arc in order that the arrow may
be aimed correctly. The male children have arrows suitable
to their size, which they always carry with them. They early
become expert in shooting.
The bows and arrows are often used as ceremonial objects.
They are made and presented to the idols in behalf of the gods
as a prayer for success in the hunt. Two round spots of red
paint are placed on the shaft of the arrows when they are thus
offered. When a son arrives at the age of puberty, the father
offers a set of arrows and a bow to the gods (Chant No. 1^).
The bark stripped from a young ceiha (yaitie) is used to wrap
around the bow and arrows as a sort of quiver. During the
last few years, the Mexicans living in the monterias adjacent
riss mit der nnteren Kante eines starken Messers Splitterchen um Splitterchen
von der Pfeilspitze weg, die er fest in der Hand hielt, und nach kaum einer
Minute war aus den abgebrochenen Trumm eine kleine scharfe Pfeilspitze
geworden."
Professor Saville of Columbia University has kindly placed at my disposal
the following unpublished communication of Dr. Hermann Berendt to the
American Ethnological Society, November 12, 1878, regarding a method of
arrow chipping : ** The mode of making arrow heads from flint stone, still in
use, among the Lacandones is very similar to that already described by Colonel
Jones. The nucleus being placed on the calf of the leg, a sharpened deer horn
is used as a chisel and a piece of hard wood as a hammer to separate the flakes.
It is probable that the same proceeding was known in Yucatan, for while living
in Campeche a sepulcher was opened, and in an earthen bowl, besides some
obsidian and flint implements, a deer horn was found with identically sharpened
points."
1 This and succeeding chants will be found at the end of the volume.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
62 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
to t he settlemen ts of Jthe Lacandones h ave found that there is a
market f or the bo ws and arrows in the Mexican towns. As a
consequence, some of the less retiring of the natives have been
persuaded to make sets of bows and arrows for sale. It is very
seldom, however, that they will consent to part with those they
actually use in hunting, as in many cases these also have some
ceremonial use.
Nnjrapft nf t.hfl bow and arrow has been found in Yucatan,
aj th ough we have m any references to their use by early writers
for offensive weapons.^
Pottery Making. — Pottery making still exists in Yucata n
in the manufacture -of the earthen water-jars. A centre of this
industry is in Ticul, south of Merida, Yucatan. The jars are
used by thejsvomeh throughout the peninsula in carrying water
from th^ cenote^^T well to their huts. The usual form of
vessel hasTwo handles opposite each other. They are made
by hand with the help of a smooth wooden paddle. The mass
of wet clay rests on a square block of wood which is turned by
the feet of the modeler as he sits on a stool before the pot
(PI. XIII, Fig. 3). This may be an interesting and early form
of the potter's wheel. * After the jar is shaped by hand, it is
baked in a wood fire to complete it. An interesting survival
of form but with the change of material is seen in the jars
which are now made of tin. They are of the same shape as
the earthen ones. These are used in great numbei*s by the
natives living around Palenque in the state of Chiapas. The
shape of the pots makes them admirably fitted to be carried on
the hip, as is the universal custom.
Among^ the Lacandones the jar-shaped water pots are_iipt
found, as all the water is carried in large hollow gourds.
Earthen vessels of all sizes, however, are made by the natives
1 Cf. *' Relacion de la Ciudad de Merida," 1900, Vol. XI, p. 41 : ** Las annas
con que los yndios peleaban en la guerra eran arcos de palo y flechas de cafias
delgadas con puntas de pedernal," and in " Relacion de Tahzib," 1900, Vol. XI,
p. 187, *' — peleaban con arco y flechas puesto un pedernal en la punta."
2 Cf. Mercer, 1897.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 63
of Chiapas. Bowls for food are modeled by hand, the clay
resting on a banana leaf which readily turns on the board on
which it rests. The clay^ncenge-burneM^ the Lacandones
will be described in detail lateKwlienTaEn g up the religion of
the Lacandones (p. 84). Thec§rempnial drunij^lso another
example of the potter's art among these natives. It is often of
a graceful shape and with the same crude, mask-like face seen
on the incense-burners (PI. XX, Fig. 2). Jars of a slightly
different shape from that of the drum are made for holding the
ceremonial drink (baltie). These pots have a much shorter
neck than those of the drums, and rest on three very short legs
(p. 114). Some of these also have the crude head on one side.
It is smaller, however, and much more insignificant than the
head on the drum.
Apiculture is practiced among both the Mayas and the
Lacandones. Among the latter people itllas a ceremonial sig-
nificance. Hollow logs are placed inside the sacred house of
the gods, and the deposition of the honey by the bees has a
religious meaning.^
Fire Making. — Under the head of industries would come the
making of fire. The flint and steel is known throughout Yuca-
tan and a part of the territory of the Lacandones. In certain
of the ceremonies among the latter people, it is necessary to
make new fire. The simple "two-piece" apparatus is used (PI.
XXV, Fig. 2). An upright stick is twisted between the palms
of the hands and one end of the stick rests in a groove of a
horizontal one which lies on the ground. The friction thus
made ignites some tinder made of logwood shavings, which in
turn is used to light the wood already prepared for the fire.
House Building. — The dwellings of b oth |,|^f> Af ayaa and fhpi
Lacandones are practic ally i dentical, ja-gon atrrii ^^^ ^" The only ^
difference is that t^ house of the native of Chiapas is really
little more than a shelter and often has no sides and doors as do
the houses in Yucatan._ The usual form of house found through-
1 The bee industry, probably from a ceremonial standpoint, is pictured at
great length in the Codex Tro-Cortesianus, 103-112.
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I
I
64 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
out the peninsula is oblong with rounded _ends. There are two
doors opposite each other in the sides which face the street or
path on which the house is located. In the native huts in the
towns of Yucatan, at either side of the door facing the street,
there is a protruding wall connecting the house with the stone
\ wall which invariably starts at either side of the entrance to the
hut. The better type of Maya dwellings always has a smaller
and less carefully built structure in the yard behind, where all
the cooking is done. i
The framework of the roof rests on four forked posts, which
stand at each corner of the house. The roof is thus independ-
' ent of the sides and walls, which are made either of slender
sticks set close together and covered with mud or palm leaves,
, or of rock and plaster, the form usually seen in the villages.
/ In the early Relaciones references are made to the palm-
leaf huts as being more healthful than those built of stone.^
/ The steep roof, which comes down very low, is made of palm
/ leaves tied to a framing by flexible vines.^ The parts of the
frame itself are also tied with the vines or bejucos. The doors
are usually made of wickerwork.^
The huts of the Lacandones seldom have rounded ends and
often no sides. The roof, especially that of the ceremonial
shelter, comes, down very low and serves in place of walls.
The gable ends, however, are open. In the material used and
the method of construction, the huts are identical with those
of the Mayas (PL VIII, Figs. 1, 2, 3).
1 *'Relacion ce Quizil y Sitipeche," 1900, Vol. XI, p. 219: "Comunmente
Ids yndios hazen sua casas de madera y bara^on cubiertas de paja y de hojas de
palmas que en algunas partes ay en abundancia aunque pudieran bazerlas de
piedra por aber raucha en la tierra, — dizen que lo hazen por mas sano bebir en
las casas de paja que de piedra por causa de las calores que hazen desde el mes
de abrill hasta setienbre."
2 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XX, p. 110: **Que la manera de hazer las casas
era cubrirlas de paja que tienen muy buena y mucba, o con hojas de palma que
es propria para esto."
8 For a detailed drawing showing the construction of the Kekchi home,
which resembles in general plan that of the Maya, see Sapper, 1904, a, Plate V.
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ARTISTIC ACTIVITY
Decoration. — In the decorative art, the Mayas are very low
in the scale of human culture.
The kind of civilization which the Maya has received
from the Spaniards has rendered him an impossible subject
for a study of primitive art. The Lacandones, on the other
hand, one would imagine might furnish a fertile field for this
study. They are, however, nearly as destitute of any evi-
dences of artistic activity as are the natives of the peninsula.
An attempt at decoration among the Lacandones is found on
the gourd vessels in which they offer posol and baltie to the
idols in behalf of the gods. The designs (Figs. 4-15, pp. 66-68)^
are remarkably crude, in their conceptioiL They are made by
incised lines on the rounded surface of the gourd. It was
impossible to obtain a satisfactory explanation for any of the
figures except those which were said to be men. These are
curiously drawn, showing the ribs and backboned The greater
part of the designs are star-shaped figures surrounding the
slight projection where the stem of the gourd has been broken
off. Many of the vessels have parallel wavy lines running
around them. The name uhotal, the generic name for decora-
tion or adornment, was the only answer to questioning in
regard to the significance of the designs. However full of
symbolism these designs may once have been, it is lost among
the Lacandones of the present time. The figures certainly
have no hieroglyphic significance. Mr. Sapper mentions the
designs he saw on the drinking vessels, but he does not seem to
attach any importance whatever to the meaning of the figures.'
1 For an interesting design on a gourd vessel, see also PI. XXI, Fig. 1.
« Sapper, 1897, p. 262.
65
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
a, bf designs on opposite sides of jicara for hcUtse ; c, design on bottom of same
jicara ; d, decoration at stem end {uthiUi) ; e, a man (winik) ; /, decoration at
blossom end {uyit or utoh).
FiQ. 6.
o, side ot jicara for haltae; 6, bottom of same iicara
Fig. 6.
a, side ot jicara for baltse; 6, bottom of same Jicara ; c, stem end.
66
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
Fio. 8. Fia. 9.
Figs. 7-9, designs on jicara$ for balde.
<fz
mo
I — />^V-J
<*
^A.
Fia. 10.
o o
/
Fia 12.
Figs. 10 and 11, a and b, designs on opposite sides otjicaras for baltse.
Figs. 10-12 represent men.
67
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
^JJ
\
Flo. 14.
Fig. 13.
Designs on jicaras. (After Maler, 1901-1903, Figs. 6 and 7.)
Fig. 15.
Design on jicara, (After an unpublished drawing by Maler.)
^
Fig. 16.
Figure on cliff, Petha. (After Maler.)
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
ARTISTIC ACTIVITY 69
Figure 16^ shows a design made on the face of a high cliflf
which rises directly from the water in Lake Petha in Chiapas.
Behind this cliff, as will be described later (p. 148), a rite
performed in behalf of one of the gods was witnessed. I was
unable to obtain a satisfactory explanation of this figure other
than that it was done by the god who inhabited the cliff.
Besides this design, there are several hand prints in red, some
parallel lines, and a crude human figure (Fig. 17). Undoubt-
edly the latter designs were made
by the Lacandones now inhabiting
the country. It is probable, on
the other hand, that the figure of
the two-headed serpent (Fig. 16),
from the nature of the design and
the method of carrying it out, was
made by a people who possessed a
higher artistic level than that
which the Lacandones of the pres-
ent time seem to have attained.
The incense-burners of the La-
candones show decoration of two
kinds, a crude attempt at sculp-
ture and at painting (PI. XV,
Fig. 2). The result cannot be ^<»- i^-
. J . V • f — .. .i I Figures on cliff, Petha.
said to be in any way fertisticj or ^^^^^^ ^^^^^
carefully carried out. The head
has a roughness which even its ugliness cannot hide, and the
decoration is correspondingly crude. The red paint is made
of the achiote berry (^Bixa orellana)^ which is ground and mixed
with water. The black is the soot formed in burning copal
gum under an overturned olla. This making of soot has a
ceremonial significance which will be described later (p. 71),
1 1 have taken this drawing from Maler (1001-1903, p. 30, Fig. 9), as my
sketch of the same figure is inferior, since it was impossible to trace it as Mr.
Maler has done, or even to get anywhere near it on account of the lowness of
the water below the cliff on which the drawing occurs.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
70 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
as also the meaning of the shape and decoration of the incense-
burner (p. 84).
Besides these ollm for burning incense, there are other
objects which show decoration. The gourd rattle (Fig. 19,
p. 75), used as an accompaniment to the singing in certain
of the rites, is decorated with red and black lines which, as
far as could be ascertained, have as little significance as the
lines on the gourd vessels. The round part of the rattle is
divided into quarters by double red lines (uolbal, anything
written) running from the knob of copal on top to the place
where the handle of reeds is inserted. Between the double
line there is a row of holes (uibU uwiti). At the lower end
of the handle are thirteen streamers made of fiber bark colored
red and decorated with cross lines.
The chief priest in certain of the ceremonies wears a robe (PI.
XIII, Figs. 1 and 2) decorated with a design in red and black
(PI. XV, Fig. 1).^ The red in this case is made from the achiote
berry and logwood. The black is the soot of the coped mixed
with the extract made of the logwood, which, as in the former
case, serves as a mordant. The garment is woven by hand and
is white, with the exception of two fine red and blue lines
which are woven on each edge of the cloth. The form of the
robe is the same as the ordinary poncho^ worn by the men and
women alike. As has been noted before, the cloth in the native
loom is narrow, and two strips have to be sewed together to
give the desired width to the garment. The seam comes in
the middle of the front and back. As the red and blue line is
woven into the very edge of the cloth, this sewing together
makes a double line of red and blue in the center of the
front and back, in addition to the other decoration, which is
painted. The two lengths are sewed together with white
1 1 did not see this robe used in any of the rites. From the nature of its deco-
ration and the slight information that could be obtained, it seems to be for use
in a rite performed when rain is desired.
Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. I, Chap. V, p. 21, mentions a long robe found in one of
the sacred huts and states that it ^longed to one of the priests.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
ARTISTIC ACTIVITY 71
thread, with the exception of a small portion about halfway
down the front and back, where red and blue threads are used.
The other decoration is all done with paint. The whole gar-
ment is thickly spotted with red and black dots. With the excep-
tion of a zone about a foot in width at the top of the garment
and another at the bottom, there is scattered at less frequent
intervals than the dots a design of a broken circle in black with
red and black dots in the center, the number of which vary
from three to six. This circle may represent the earthen
cover which is placed over the burning eopal to collect the soot
for the manufacture of the black paint (PI. XIV, Fig. 2).
This process has a ceremonial object as well. The rounded in-
terior of the cover represents the dome of the heavens and
tlie soot collected in it is symbolic of the black rain cloud.
The god of rain is called Mensabak (the maker of the black
powder or soot). It is probable that the figures of the broken
circles on the ceremonial robe represent the bottom of this
cover used to collect the soot, not only when it is desired for
paint, but in certain of the rites when rain is needed. The
breaks in the circles are the holes at the bottom edge of the
cover which allow the air to enter. The dots inside the
circles and over the other parts of the garment may represent
the rain.
About halfway down the poncho in the center of the right
side is represented in solid black a female kid (yuk),^ and on
the opposite side a male of the same animal. The kid is not,
as one might suppose, the totemic animal of the encampment
where the robe was made. The reason for its portrayal could
not be ascertained. Below this animal on either side is a group
of concentric circles in red and black. These are said to be the
breasts (uylm) of the robe. Outside these circles toward the
side of the garment ,is a star-shaped figure representing a
tarantula (toi) of a harmless variety. This is said to have
been the first thing the owner of the robe had seen after
^ Tuk, among the Lacandones, is translated by the Spanish word cahrito^ a
young goat. Among the Mayas, yuk is given to the venado Colorado.
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72 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
he had begun to decorate the poncho. This was probably
not undertaken until after a rite of some kind had been
performed.
Down the center of the robe on either side, just outside the
red and blue line woven in the cloth, but only in the middle
zone described before, is a broken line in alternate red and black.
The term uoibal, its writing, is given as the name of the line.
Around the edge of the garment are groups of semicircular
concentric lines of red and black inclosing usually two dots. The
word uyokil, its feet or border, is the only explanation that
could be obtained for this part of the decoration. This robe
shows the most elaborate attempt at ornamentation found
among the Lacandones.
Besides this ceremonial garment, the ordinary poncho shows
signs of decoration. Red paint is offered to the gods (p. 141)
as a part of one of the rites. It is then used to decorate the
clothes of the participants in the rite in question. Spots of the
paint are scattered over the whole garment without any seem-
ing order (PI. XXVI, Fig. 1). These fade in time to a yellow.
In some cases the poncho of the leader of the ceremony has
circles made upon it representing the breasts seen in the cere-
monial robe.
There is also an attempt at decoration seen in the ceremonial
hut. On the ends of the two cross beams and also near the tops
of the upright posts on the western side of the hut, on either
side of the hanging shelf where the idols are kept, there are
two circles of red. These may represent the red bands of fiber
bark (hunn) used in some of the rites to tie around the heads
of the participants. In one instance the circle contained a
cross inside, which may have had some astronomical significa-
tion. The hollow log (tiem) which serves as a reservoir for
the ceremonial drink also has the two ];ed circles painted upon
it for the same signification.
The decoration of the person is not especially marked.
After the rite where a gourd of red paint is offered to the
gods (p. 141), in addition to the painting of the ponchos^ the
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
ARTISTIC ACTIVITY 73
faces of the participants are also painted. The men have
spots of red upon the chin and on the forehead and short lines
under the eyes.^ This is the saftie decoration seen on the
incense-bumers. The leader in this rite has two circles of red
running around each ankle and wrist. These probably corre-
spond to the two circles on the beams and post of the cere-
monial hut, on the reservoir for baltie, and on the arrows when
offered to the gods. In one case observed, a
baby had his legs entirely painted with the
red color.
Among the natives on the Lacantun River,
in place of the spot of red in the middle of
the forehead, there is a line of red running
down from the center of the forehead to the
end of the nose, and the lines under the eyes
are longer than those seen on the faces of the
natives at Lake Petha. The spot on the chin Fia. 18.
is the same in both cases. This difference in ^'®®- ^> ^•
painting has some totemic or tribal difference which I was
unable to make out. It may, however, be coincident with the
two different types of incense-burners and with the different
gods found in the two places. No painting of the body with
la black color according to many of the early accounts was
observed.
Music. — Music plays a surprisingly small part in the daily life
of either the Mayas or the Lacandones. They cannot be said to
be a musical people. The contrast is very marked when one is
accustomed to hear the singing and playing of the Mexicans.
Very few of the Mayas have good voices and their singing is
harsh and unmusical. The grossest discords do not seem to be
noticed.
In addition to the many modern musical instruments which
have been brought into the country, the Mayas have a few which
are clearly a survival of the time when music played a part
1 Figure 18, a figure from the Dresden Codex, shows spots of black paint on
the chin and forehead.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
74 MAYA8 AND LACANDONES
in their ceremonies. One example of the musical bow was
observed.^ This was made of a flexible rod and the sinewy fiber
of a tree as the string. Thfe cord is made to vibrate between
the lips much in the manner of the Jew's harp as it is struck
with a stick. Distinct musical sounds are thus produced.
The drum is found made of a hollow log with two tongues of
wood of different thickness which are struck with a beater.
This same form of drum is found among the natives of Mexico,
and it may have been brought into Yucatan by early settlers from
that country.
Among the Lacandones the ceremonial drum is still used
(PI. XX, Fig. 2). This is made of an earthen jar with the
mouth covered with a piece of skin. The drum stands on a
base made of twisted vines. It is struck with the palms of the
hands. There are often two placed side by side in the cere-
monial hut and beaten at the same time. This form of drum
always has upon one side a head fashioned in clay similar in all
respects to that seen on the incense-burners. The drum is a
god in itself and called Qaiyum, the singing god.
The conch-shell trumpet is also used in the rites of the
Lacandones. It is blown in a single note after food has been
offered to the idols. This is to call the gods to come down and
partake of the offerings which have been placed on the lips of
the incense-burners.
Among the Lacandones a crude form of xylophone was ob-
served. It was in such imperfect repair that it was impossible
to ascertain the scale used among the Mayas. The idea may
easily have been introduced by the Mexicans living in Chiapas,
as the marimba is common among them.
A very interesting form of reed oboe (PI. XIV, Fig. 3) is used
quite extensively among the Lacandones. The mouthpiece
consists of a quill inserted in the end of the hoUaw reed. The
opening where the sound is produced is built up and surrounded
by a mass of pitch. There are five finger holes. This flute is
often used as a ceremonial object and offered to the gods. In
1 Cf. Saville, 1897, pp. 272-273.
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ARTISTIC ACTIVITY
75
such a case red paint is placed around each of the finger
holes.^
The Lacandone ceremonial rattle (soot) has been mentioned
under the head of decorations (p. 70). It is composed of a
round gourd through which there runs a
wooden stick (Fig. 19). ^ At the top, the end
of the stick is held in place by a knob of
copal gum. The other end of the stick serves
as the center of the handle, and is sur-
rounded by six or eight slender reeds, the
upper ends of which pierce the gourd in a
circle around the center hole where the main
handle, enters. These reeds are bound around
the handle by a winding of bark, and the
ends of the strips of bark hang down in
thirteen streamers
from the lower part
of the composite
handle.^
A sort of rude
guitar (petiaktie) is
made of a flat and
thin rectangular *
board with cross
pieces at either end,
over which five
strings of henequen are strung. There
is no way of tightening the strings,
and there is no approach to a scale.
The Mayas of Yucatan make a
whistle of horn with which they imitate the cry of the young
deer. They use this in hunting.
1 Starr (1002, a, Fig. 15) describes and pictures a similar flute, but with four
finger holes, used among the Nalmas in the dance called el Toro de Cuero, See
also Seler (1899) for representations of flute and other musical instruments found
in the Codices.
* Ibid, Fig. 24 is a picture of a rattle used among the Mayas and made in a simi-
lar way as regards the handle. Cf. also Fig. 20, from the Codex Tro-Cortesianus.
Fig. 19.
Lacandone rattle.
Fig. 20.
Tro-Cort. 67, a.
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76 ' MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
Writers on the Mayas in the days of the Conquest make
mention of the tortoise-shell drum, a trumpet of the twisted
gourd, and a sort of guitar with two arms opposite each other. ^
No examples of any of these musical instruments were observed
either among the Mayas or the Lacandones.
Games. — The natives of Yucatan still practice some of their
old games. There is often difficulty in separating these from
the games of later origin introduced by the Mexicans.
Yucatan is no exception to the rule of the almost universal
presence of the string game, or " string figure." The figure
where three loops meet in the center and called by the Navajos
the hogan or hut is called among
the Mayas the " chicken's foot "
(umotikai). I am not sure, how-
ever, that the knot in the center
is the same (Fig. 21). There
is a figure which, after being
^ made, is operated by two persons,
Fig. 21. Fio. 22. called "sawing wood" (ttobuh.
StHng games of the Mayas. ^^^ j ^^ ^^.^^ ^^^^^^ ^j^^^^
are four loops (Fig. 22) : a is held in the mouth ; the ends of
the saw, b and c, are held in either hand; and c2, the end of the
wood to be split, is held by the second person. As the ends,
b and <?, are pulled out from the center in a sawing motion, the
end d is correspondingly shortened.
The wooden top (poibirlti) of the ordinary shape is found
among the Mayas. The peg is a part of the top itself. A .
game is played by drawing a circle on the ground in the center
of which money or grains of cocoa are placed. The aim is to
knock outside the ring with the top the objects in the center.
This is undoubtedly European in origin.
A game corresponding to the American game of "jack
stones " is played with kernels of corn. The name in Maya is
pnlanqam and in Spanish tirar y eager.
1 Sapper (1891, p. 893) mentious a two-armed stringed instrument which he saw
among the Lacandones. This form probably arises from European influence.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
ARTISTIC ACTIVITY 77
A bull roarer is made of the dry pod or berry of a tree
(piston). The pod, which is nearly round and hollow, has
three holes cut in it. When whirled in the air on the end of
a string, a pleasing musical sound is made. This instrument
is said to have taught the early Mayas how to whistle.
Four grains of corn with one side colored black are used in
a gambling game (baial iiim). The winning throws are two
black or all black sides uppermost.
A game called w&kpel pal (to throw six) is played with five
sticks (Fig. 23), each about three inches high, set in a circle
with a sixth in the center. The pieces are made of a certain
kind of wood which has branches starting out opposite to each
other (a and 5). Each stick has grooves cut in the upper end
(<?), and running in number from one to six.
The game is to knock down one or more of ^
the sticks by standing at a distance and
throwing coins, cocoa berries, or seeds.
The Mayas of Yucatan fly kites, and are
quite successful in making fire crackers and
rockets. The two latter accomplishments
were of course introduced by foreigners.
Dancing. — Dancing once played a very im-
portant part in the ceremonial life of the fio. 23.
Mayas. Special dances were given at certain ^^^^ g^® ®* ^^
times of the year. There were often dances
for the men and others for the women at the different festivals
of the Maya year. The few dances which are now reported as
taking place among the Mayas are generally of mixed origin
(PI. XVIII, Fig. 1). The itol Q,nd palito dances are both strongly
Mexican in character, although the native elements still remain
to some degree.^
1 Mr. E. H. Thompson has made a special study of the dtol Dance with bio-
graphic and phonographic records, and at some future date I trust that we may
have a paper from him on this subject I was not fortunate in witnessing one
of these dances. Mr. Starr saw the Stol Dance in 1891 and he gives (1902, a,
pp. 18-19) the following description: "The xtoles, formerly danced every
carnival season in Merida, is falling into disuse. . . . They [the dancers] are
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
78 MATA8 AND LACAND0NE8
The Lacandones of the present time have no definite and set
dances. They perform a slow movement with the feet in time
to the shake of the rattle in several of the rites. It seems to
have no close connection, however, with the progress of the
ceremony.
Indians, or are intended to represent them. Their dress is peculiar, characteris- '
tic, and, in part at least, sarvivaL In the company we saw there were fourteen
dancers and a standard bearer ; of the dancers seven represented females and
wore the usual female garments and necklaces of coral beads, gold chains, pen-
dants, etc. ; their breasts were indicated as exaggeratedly developed. The other
dancers wore the usual men's white shirts and drawers, but the latter had a red
stripe down the side of the leg ; jingling hawkbells wei*e hung to various parts
of the dress ; red fajas (belts) were worn about the waist. Most of the dancers
wore sandals. All wore crowns, consisting of a circlet of tin, from which rose
two curving strips of tin, which crossed above the middle of the head; from
this circlet at spaced intervals rose four feathers — either real feathers or imita-
tions in tin. Two of these crowns, with real feathers and of unusual magnifi-
cence, denote the king and queen. Under these crowns, covering the top of the
head and hanging down behind over the shoulders and back, were gay red and
blue kerchlefis. All were masked, mostly with old bits of brown cloth, with eye
perforations and with nose and chin pinched up and developed by tying. The
men wore a baldric, or bandolier, which was probably of ancient type. It was
wide, square at the ends, made of cotton, with inwoven designs — geometrical,
animal, bird, etc. — in colors; at the ends hung bivalve shells. The rattles
iised had an oval body set into a conical bunch of splints, uniting downward
into a handle ; these rattles were painted gayly. Fans were carried by most
of the dancers; they had a wooden frame and handle, decorated with the
national colors ; the body was made of the handsome feathers of the ocellated
turkey ; the handle is made of the turkey's leg. Tliere were two musicians,
one with a pito, or whistle, with a small mouthpiece gummed at the end of a
long tin tube pierced with note holes ; the other carried a painted tin drum of
the huehuetl type ; this he played with his hands. . . . The standard con-
sisted of a long pole, surmounted by a tin disk, representing the sun's face with
a protruding tongue ; on the cotton banner were painted the sun, two men danc-
ing, a serpent, and the words Suhurbio de Santiago, 1900. The leader of the
dance, the queeu, carried a cord of San Francisco, with which to strike un-
skilled performers and intruders. Besides their own musicians, they had an
accompanying band, which played music like their own ; it played before and
after the dancing and when the company passed from house to house. During
the dance itself the pitero and drummer perform. The music was peculiar and
may be both old and Indian. The words sung were Mayan. ... At the begin-
ning of the dance, the king, queen, and two musicians were in the center, the
dancers circling around them in a double circle ; they then formed into two
files, facing, alternately, men and women ; salutes were given and pairs danced ;
a man danced, first with one, then with the other, of his immediate neighbors.
There was a good deal of indecent suggestion in the dance. The fans and rattles
were used in graceful movements, among which crossings were frequent."
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RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES
I SHALL assuine from the very beginning that the religious
life of the Lacandones of the present day is a survival, not
only of the former religion of this one branch of the people,
but of the ancient Mayas of Yucatan as well, if not of the whole.
Maya stock. Grounds for this assumption are furnished by
the frequent similarities which will be pointed out between the /
religion now existing among the Lacandones and that of the \
Mayas of the peninsula at the time of the Conquest as
described by Padre Diego de Landa in his " Relaci6nes de Las 7
Cosas de Yucatan," and by other Spanish priests and explorers.
It has seemed best to take up first in detail the religion of
the Lacandones of the Usumacinta region, and finally that of
the Mayas of Yucatan. With a knowledge of the religious
rites of the Lacandones, parallels may be more easily seen in
the remains of rites now being carried on by the nominally
Catholic subjects in Yucatan.
Padre Landa states that the Mayas had great fear of death
anj^diseasfi^K This is seen to-day in all the ceremonies of the
Lacandones in honor of their gods. The principal aim of
these rites seems to be that of a s upplication fo r life and
health. The prayers used are, without exception, propitia tion o-
and supplications made to the gods to ward off dangers and
diseases in exchange for the sacrifices offered to them.* The
1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXIII, p. 104: ** Que esta gente tenia macho temor y
ezcessivo a la muerte, y esto muestrayan en que todos los servicios que a sua
dioses hazian no eran por otro fin ni para otra cosa sino para que les diessen
salad y yida y mantenimientos.*'
2 Cf . the same idea expressed in an account of the natives written in the latter
part of the sixteenth century, ** Relaci6n de Ciconttim," 1900, Vol. XI, p. 201:
**Adoraban a ydolos de piedra y barro y de palos que hazian de sus manos,
y era para pedir la salud y hazienda buenos temporales/*
79
-/^
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
80 MAYA 8 AND LACANDONES
spiritual side of the religion is, of course, always uppermost,
as with all uncivilized and semi-civilized people. Brinton says,
"The eariiest hymns and prayers do not, as a rule, contain
definite requests, but a general appeal to the god to be pres-
ent, to partake of the feast which is spread, . . . and to con-
tinue his good offices toward those who call upon him." ^
Both the Mayas and the Lacandones believ6 in a futu re life
and in a place filled with everything good, where, with the
exception of suicides, every one sooner or later goes. There
is a conductor who accompanies the piian or soul to its final
resting place. Food is given for this journey, but at its com-
pletion human aid is no longer necessary for the happiness of
the departed spirit.*
The Lacandones are not at the lowest stage of religious
experience. Their entreaty for life and health is not purely
personal and selfish, as the" "^ife and children are always
mentioned in the prayers. The personal ego enlarges into
that of the family, and the beginning of altruism is formed.
As the wife has no part in the ceremonial life of the tribe, her
welfare has necessarily to be looked after by the husband.
The ethical side of religion, as distinguished from the
spiritual, is almost wholly lacking among the Lacandones.
The social consciousness of this people acts with little strength
outside the family, or possibly beyond the small totemic divi-
sion. The general fear of death, with a desire for the per-
petuation of the species, and the specific and local dangers
of fever and the bite of serpents are the causes of religious
observance among the Lacandones.
Gods. — There is a hierarchy of gods, each of whom seems to
have a different function to perform and possesses different
attributes. Landa mentions the names of thirty-six gods and
goddesses in describing the ceremonies celebrated in the
months of the Maya year. In a few cases the names of the
gods as given by the early authorities correspond to the names
of those now being worshiped among the natives. The mere
1 Brinton, D. G., 1897, p. 104. « Cf. Mortuary Customs, p. 47.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 81
name seems to survive often when the functions and attributes
either have changed or have vanished completely.
With one or two exceptions, the gods are more or less
friendly and well disposed toward the natives. They are of
both sexes, and are supposed often to inhabit the interior of \
\ cliffs. The ruined temples found throughout the country ^ are ^
I believed to be the shrines and homes of some of the gods.
Each god has a distinct dwelling place, which is usually on the
borders of a lake or river.
Frequent pilgrimages are even now made by the Indians
to the ruins.* Rites are performed there, as is shown by the
finding of incense-vessels and the remains of burned copal in
the rooms of the ruined structures.
Almost constant references occur in the books of early
travelers and missionaries, as well as in those of later
explorers, concerning the finding of incense-vessels and copal
in the ruined structures.*
1 As has been stated, at Piedras Negras and Menche or Yazchilan on the
TJsumacinta River, there are large ruined cities, as well as mapy smaller ones
on several tributaries of the river. For a map of the ruins, see Maler, 1901-
1903, PI. I.
> Sapper, 1897, p. 265 : ** Bis vor Kurzem kamen eine Anzahl Lacandonen
(wahrscheinlich von Lacanj^ aus) nach den Ruinen von Menche Tunamit nm
ihre Feste zu feiem und ihren G5ttem zu opfem, wobei sie ihre Opferschalen
im Tempel zurtLckliessen. Genaueres tiber den Verlauf ihrer Feste ist aber
nicht bekannt/'
* For early accounts, see CogoUudo, 1688, Bk. IV, Chap. VH, p. 198: ** HaU^
en una de las dos Capillas caoas ofrecido, y sefial de copal (que es su incienso)
de poco tiempo alii quemado, y que lo era de alguna supersticion, 6 idolatria
recien cometida.** .
Vaiagutierre, 1701, Bk. IV, Chap. XIV, p. 264: *'. . . era el Adoratorio
de los perversos Idolos de aquellos Lacandones, donde se hallaron muchos de
ellos, de formas raras, como assimismo cantidad de gallinas muertas, Brasseros,
con senales de aver quemado copal y atin se hallaron las cenizas calientes, y
otras diversas, rediculas, y abominables cosas, pertenecientes k la execucion de
sus perversos Ritos, y Sacrificios."
Landa, 1864, Chap. XXVII, p. 158 : «^ Que tenuin gran muchedumbre de
idolos y templos sumptuosos en su manera, y aun sin los comunes templos
tenian los sefiores sacerdotes y gente principal oratorios y idolos en casa para
sus oraciones y of rendas particulares. T que tenian a Cuzmil y P090 de Chiche-
niza en tanta veneracion como nosotros a las romerias de Hierusalem y Roma y
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
82 MATA8 AND LACANDONES
In an important ruined center, to which the name the Ruins
of Tzendales has been given, on the Rio Colorado, an affluent
of the Tzendales and this in turn of the Lacantun, which
unites with the Chixoy or Salinas to form the Usumacinta,^
there was found by the writer in one of the rooms of the best
preserved of the structures five incense-burners of the type
ordinarily made by the Lacandones. These were arranged on
the floor in a line in front of a stela^ sculptured only on one side
and at right angles to it. This stone was not in its original
assi les ivan a visitar y offrecer dones, principalmente a la de Cozmil, como
nosotros a lugares santos, y ya que no ivan, siempre embiavan bus offrendas.
Y los que ivan tenian de costumbre de entrar tambien en templos derelictos,
quando passavan por ellos a orar y quemar copal.*'
For later accounts, see Chamay, 1882, p. 88 : *S . . se trouvent une multitude
de vases d'une terre grossi^re et d'une forme nouvelle ; ce sont des bols de dix
& qulnze centimetres de diam^tre sur cinq k six de hauteur, dont les bords
sond om^ de masques humains repr^sentant des figures camardes et d'autres ^
grandes nez busqu^, v^ritables caricatures oh Part fait compl^tement d^faut.
Cependant il faut bien remarquer cette difference de types qui pourrait d^igner
deux races. Ces vases servaient de brdler parfums, et la plupart sont encore ^
moitie pleins de copal. . . . Nous retrouverons de ces m^mes vases dans tons les
Mifices qui paraissent avoir ^t^ destine au culte.*'
^Maler, 1901-1903, pp. 64, 88, 90, 123, 136, ^nd 162.
*Maudslay, 1889-1902, Text, VoL II. p. 46, and 1883, p. 200. In the latter
place, in speaking of the ruins of Yaxchilan, Mr. Maudslay says: **In nearly all
the houses, I found earthen pots, partly filled with some half-burned resinous
substance. . . . They were in great numbers round the idol in the house I lived
in. Some looked newer than others, and many were in such positions that it was
clear that they had been placed there since the partial destruction of the houses.
I have little doubt that they have been made and brought by the Lacandon In-
dians, who still live in an untamed state in small communities on the banks of
these rivers, and if my conjecture be correct, it may be that the fact of these
Indians still holding in reverence the temples built by their ancestors, and mak-
ing offerings of incense, has lent strength to the story which for many years
has been current in Central America, that there exists an inhabited Indian city
hidden away in the forests, and still fiourishing as in the days of the Conquest. **
(Cf. Stephens, 1841, Vol. II, p. 196.)
Sapper, 1891, pp. 891, 894 : "Sie pflegten die opferschalen an Ort und Stelle
zurlickzulassen und als ich (am 21, Juli 1891) dieser Ruinen (Yaxchilan)
besuchte, fand ich auch wirklich noch zahlreiche von diesen opfetschalen vor,
wenngleich zum grSssten teil zerbrochen."
1 These ruins are of much importance, and I hope at some future dat« to give
a more extended notice of them. They are on the land owned by the Compafiia
Romano.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 88
position, but had probably been brought in from its place in
front of the building and set up in the center of the back wall
of the room in question. The bas-relief represented a priestly
character. The entire room showed signs of the burning
of incense, as the walls and ceiling were completely blackened.
The incense-burners found showed signs of age. They were
covered for the most part with a deep calcareous deposit often
noted on the walls of the ruined buildings. Signs of paint
still remained, and this was in most cases on the surface of the
incrustation of lime, showing that, in all probability, the incense-
burners were allowed to remain in the ruins and were redeco-
rated from time to time when they were employed in carrying
out a religious rite.
/ The temples and sculptures in each of the ruined cities are
, supposed to have been made by the early ancestors of the race.
I This belief is common among the Mayas as well as among the
Lacandones. It is most natural therefore that the natives
should visit these buildings and believe them to be inhabited
by the gods of the race.
In order that we may not rely too strongly on this fact of
pilgrimages to the ruined centers, and the seeming adoration
of certain sculptured figures as pointing to a direct connec-
tion between the old and new cultures, and, furthermore, as
showing the continuity of the whole, I will suggest another
possible explanation. It is not at all unlikely nor unnatural
for an intruding people gradually to connect unusual natural
features, which to them seem unnatural and new, with their
idea of the supernatural. This does not necessarily limit itself
to natural phenomena, and we may easily imagine that on the
discovery of immense structures of stone, these buildings
would appear, as far as they were concerned, as if built by some
supernatural agency. These ruined cities, even if in a com-
paratively ruinous condition, might well have been gradually
included in the religious conceptions of the people, so that the
whole system of their mythology would come in time to be
centered around the ruined stone structures.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
84 MAYA 8 AND LACAND0NE8
Now that the country is being overrun with mahogany
hunters, the Lacandones have refrained from visiting the ruins
lying in the common routes of travel and leaving their incense-
burners, as those deposited in the past have either been
appropriated or destroyed by the Mexican visitors.
These incense-burners are used by the Lacandones in their
religious ceremonies. Each family or group of connected fami-
lies living together possesses several of the incense-burners or
braseros. There was no instance noted where there were bra-
aeros for all the gods. The selection and number of the idols
and incense-burners depend on well-defined rules, which will be
given later (p. 99). In one encampment there were forty of
the sacred ollas^ but no instance was observed where there were
the large number recorded by CogoUudo.^
The incense-burner, or brasero (PL XV, Fig. 2), is a combina-
tion of a bowl for burning incense with a grotesque face mask
on one side of the olla.^ They are made of native clay by the
Indians who use them. In the bowl, on the edge of which is
the head, copal is burned, and on the protruding lip of the face
offerings of food and drink are made in behalf of one of the
gods.
The early historians speak of idols of wood and stone as well
as those of clay. They also mention the incense- vessels as if
they were separate from the idols.* It seems at first as if^the
alias which we have * described have a double function, that of
an idol as represented by the grotesque head and of an incense-
1 CogoUudo, 1688, Bk. IX, Chap. XII, p. 602 : " Gran multitud de Idolos,
tanto, que dize el Padre Fuensalida, que parece no se puede contar, porque para
cada cosa, que sentian tener necessidad.**
3 It has been suggested that the face of these incense-burners is represented
as if in the open mouth of some animal. For a good example of this idea, sec
Peflafiel, 1890, PI. 48, Fig. 107. For a discussion of this point, see Seler,
1895 and 1904, p. 85. Nadaillac (1884, p. 296) pictures a vessel which shows some
similarity to the common form of incense-burner of the Lacandones. He
- descril^s it as representing the head of a priest covered with human skin.
s Landa, 1864, Chap. XL, p. 242 : '^ La hazian cada afio y demas desto reno-
vavan los idolos de barro y sus braseros, ca costumbre era tener cada idolo on
braserito en que le quemassen su eucienso.**
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RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 85
buxner as shown in the bowL This, it will be found, is in
part true.
That there were in use among the early Mayas of Yucatan
alias of clay identical with the braseros^ or incense-burners, with
the grotesque head now used by the Lacandones, is probable
from a description of some idols of clay used at Valladolid in
the early days of the Spanish occupation^ as well as a few
examples found in connection with archaeological work.
Plate XVI, Fig. 1, shows a small incense bowl with the gro-
tesque head upon the rim of the olla. This is from the ruins
of Labna, and shows the same idea as is seen in the incense-
burner of the Lacandones of the present time, that of a bowl
for burning incense and a head representing a god of some
kind.
Plate XVI, Fig. 2, shows an incense-burner from the Island of
Cozumel.* This is a very interesting specimen, in that, instead
of the large lip on which to place the offering, as in the braseros
of the Lacandones, there is a shelf-like projection below the
mouth on which an offering of some sort is represented in clay.
1 **Relaci6n de la yilla de Valladolid, escrita por el cabildo de aquella ciudad
por mandado de su Majestad y del muy ilustre Sefior Don Guillen de Las Casas,
Gobemador y CapiUn General, Abril de 1578,*' 1881, Vol. II, p. 185; also 1900,
Vol. XIII, pp. 27, 28 : ^^Adoraban unos fdolos hechos de barro & manera de
jarriUos y de macetas de albahaca, hechos en ellos de la parte de af uera rostros
desemejados, qaemaban dentro de estos una resina llamada copal, de gran oler.
£sto les ofrecian i estos idolos, y ellos cortaban en muchas partes de sus
mlembros y ofrecian aquella sangre. . . . Para estos sacrificios y sus areytos
usaban beber y emborracharse con un vino que ellos haclan de una corteza de un
arbol que llaman baleze y miel y agua.**
Also p. 178 (1881) and p. 19 (1900) : **Ten(an sus fdolos en la casa de arriba
hechos de barro, de la forma de macetas de albahaca, muy bocadeadas, con sus
pies y en ellos hechos rostros mal ajestados y disformes de malas cataduras,
echaban dentro de este fdolo una resina que llaman copal & manera de incienso,
y esta reyerencia ofrendaban y quemaban que daba de sf muy gran oler, y con
esto hacen contino sus ritos, ceremonias y adoraciones."
Also, '* Relaci6n de los pueblos de Popola, y Sinsimato y Samiol,*' 1900, Vol.
Xm, pp. 44, 45: ** Usaban de adorar unos jarriUos hechos en ellos rostros de-
semejados, teniendolos por sus ydolos quemavan dentro y ofresian una rresina
llamada copal ques como trementina elada, de gran oler, y se cortavan en
muchas partes para ofrecer la sangre a aquel ydolo.^'
* This specimen was collected by Mr. E. H. Thompson.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
86 MATA8 AND LACANB0NE8
The band encircling the upper part of the bowl may well rep-
resent one of the bands of bark similar to those placed around
the rims of the incense-burners of the Lacandones as offerings
to the gods before they are tied around the heads of the partici-
pants in the rites (p. 129). This specimen has three holes in
the bottom.
Plate XVI, Fig. 3, shows an incense-bumer of the bowl variety^
which seems to be a transition form. In place of the head we
find a conventionalized representation. The five knobs of clay
above that which seems to stand for the head is a conventional-
ized method of representing the hair. This same idea is seen
in a modern incense-burner collected by the writer in Chiapas
(PI. XVI, Fig. 5). It is an entirely different type from those
usually seen. The face constitutes a part of the jar itself, and
the liair is represented by the five knob-like bits of clay on the
edge of the bowl. In the incense-vessel from the Hondo River
these knobs are on the front rather than on the rim of the bowl.
There are five in each case, and there can be little doubt that
they represent the hair shown in the usual form of brasero of
the Lacandones by vertical pieces of clay painted alternately
red and black (PI. XV, Fig. 2).
Plate XVI, Fig. 4, shows another brasero from the Hondo
River. In this the conventionalized head is seen as in the
former incense-burner from the same locality. The represen-
tation of the hair by the five knob-like projections has been
enlarged into an ornamentation for the entire rim of the bowl.
We thus find these different types of incense-burners belong-
ing to the older culture period of Yucatan and the country to
the south, together with modern examples which agree with
them more or less perfectly.
The greater part of the incense-vessels found in the ruins of
Yucatan and throughout the other regions of Maya culture
contain no trace of the head. It is difficult to decide which is
the older form, the simple plate or bowl for burning incense or
1 This bowl is from the vicinity of the Hondo River on the boundary of Yuca-
tan and British Honduras. The specimen is now in the Peabody Museum.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8
87
the bowl combined with some form of head. If we consider the
type of bowl with the knob-like projection as a transition form,
we are led to the conclusion that the most primitive form of
incense-burner was the bowl on which was represented the
whole body at first,^ and then the head of a person or animal.
This form of hrasero is found in many parts of Mexico.
Among the isolated Mayas of Chiapas and the south, the
original form of the incense-burner with the head may have
survived,^ whereas, in Yucatan, the olla with the head had, for
the most part, at the time of the Conquest, given way first to
the conventionalized head and then to its
disappeai*ance altogether. This is simply
given as a hypothesis and is worthy of
extended investigation.
It has been found that the idol proper,
the stone image as representing the god,
still exists among the Lacandones. Fig-
ure 24 shows one of these idols. It is of
jade. These idols are placed inside the
incense-bowls and over them the incense
is burned.^ Collections of jade ornaments
contain many figures which, without doubt,
were foimerly used as idols in the same manner as those found
to-day among the Lacandones. Mr. Maler reports a collection
of jade ornaments taken from a mound near Merida by one
Rafael Quintero and finally given to a General Gonzalez of
Mexico. There were five idols of jade which showed signs of
fire and from the same excavation some jade medallions or
1 Cf. PI. XVII, Fig. 1, and also a vessel from the Isla de Mugeres pictured in
Salisbury, 1878, PI. I, Fig. 4.
2 Plate XVII, Fig. 6, shows the most elaborate type of incense-burueFS found
among the Lacandones. The two specimens of this type seen did not con-
tain the head, but each clearly showed where it had once been. From appear-
ances the head was evidently much smaller in proportion to the bowl than
those of the usual form. We may find in this a sign of the coming disappear-
ance of the head.
8 Figure 26, p. 88, from the Codex Tro-Cortesianus, may intend to show an
idol inside an olla.
Fio. 24.
Jade head used as idol by
the Lacandones.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
88 MATA8 AND LACAND0NE8
breastplates showing no traces of ever having been in contact
with fire.
These idols of the Lacandones are sometimes of stone other
than jade. They all are guarded with the greatest secrecy.
They have been handed down from generation to generation,
and are believed, originally, to have come each from the home
of the respective god whom it repre-
sents.
An ancestor of the family is sup-
posed to have made a pilgrimage
to the home of each god, and there
obtained the carved stone, an image
of the god. There is therefore the
strongest feeling for the gods of the
FiQ. 25. family, although new idols are made
Tro-Cort. 100, d, from time to time. Now, as it was
explained, it is almost impossible to obtain a carved stone as
representing a god whose presence is desired in the encamp-
ment, but the pilgrimage must be made, and a stone, usually
nothing more than a pebble, is brought back from the home
of the god and placed in the incense-burner.^
The Lacandones of the present time, judging from their utter
lack of artistic skill and execution as seen in the decoration of
their gourds and other religious utensils, as well as in the mod-
eling of their braseros^ are practically incapable of fashioning
any images in stone.* Consequently, when an entirely new
idol is desired, a stone is employed with little or no artificial
shaping. In one instance, in place of the usual incense-burners,
pieces of unworked stone about eight inches square were used
^ When one of these journeys is made, an incense-burner of a smaller size and
containing no idol is taken and left as an offering to the god in question. Mr.
Maler (1901-1903, p. 123) tells of finding three new incense-burners in one of
the rooms in the ruins of Taxchilan. Compare also references to finding incense-
burners in the ruins (p. 81, note 3).
2 The serpentine figure pictured by Maler (1901-1903, p. 92) from Budsilha
may be an attempt at carving by one of the early Lacandones. Other crude
figures and faces in stone often seen in collections may show attempts at manu-
facturing these idols even down to the present time.
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RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 89
on which to burn the incense. These had been brought from
the ruins of Yaxchilan. They seemed to be more in the nature
of incense-burners than of idols.
A renewal of the incense-burners takes place at frequent in-
tervals, and the idols of stone are then taken from the old and
placed in the new ollas. We do not encounter these idols in
the ruins at the present time as we do the incense-burners.
The latter which are found are either " dead," and thus have
had the stone removed, or they are in the nature of servants
who are supposed to carry out the demands of the gods, and
these never contain the stone (p. 87).
In spite of the fact that the idol proper is deposited inside
the hroBcro^ this latter in itself has a twofold functipo, that of
idol and bowl for burning incense. It is to the head on the olla
that the offerings are made in behalf of the god represented by
the idol behind and inside the bowl. The grotesque head of
clay is an idol in itself, in that it is a representation of a god of
a much inferior capacity, whose duty it is to carry the offerings
to the main deity to whom he is dependent. In the rite where
the incense-burners are renewed, there are also made a large
number of smaller ollas of the same shape as the larger ones, but
not containing any stone as representing a god. This is the
class of olloB that are usually found in the ruins. They are in
the natuje of offerings to the gods, to aid them in carrying out
their demands (PI. XVIII, Fig. 2).
For convenience, I shall call the large oUob containing the
idols of stone braseroSy the term used by Landa, and the smaller
incense-burners braseritos. Each of the latter belongs to a cer-
tain one of the gods represented by the idols in the larger oUas.
' The Lacandones do not, as far as my observation has gone,
' possess idols of wood or clay objects which might be taken for
J idols other then the heads on the braseros.
Plate XV, Fig. 2, shows one of the braseritos^ the head of which
is much larger in proportion to the whole than are the heads on
the bowls of the larger size. The olla represented is five inches
across and three inches high. More often they are lai-ger,
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
90 MATA8 AND LACAND0NE8
measuring seven inches in diameter and five inches in height.^
Tl^e red and black stripes on the top of the head and below the
mouth represent the hair and beard respectively. The lines
of the same two colors on the front of the bowl are counter-
parts of the decoration supposed to exist on the dress of the god.
The raised red spot on the forehead between the eyes and the
short line above and below the eyes have their counterpart in
the painting of the face of the participants in certain of the
ceremonies (p. 141). No explanation could be obtained for
these markings nor for the red-and-black star on either sid& of
the mouth, other than that the latter were the cheek bones of
the god. The ears are shown as protruding spots at either side
of the face, and are painted black, in the centre of which is a
small hole. The large and prominent nose is painted black on
the end, and has two large elongated slits as nostrils. In many
of the braseros the teeth are shown and are painted alternately
red and black.
The decoration of both the brasero and braserito is in general
the same. The differences are very slight. In the painting of
the smaller class some have red and black lines crossing the
vertical ones in front of the bowl. These with the cross lines
are regarded as female in sex.
Among the Lacandones who live to the south and east of
Yaxchilan, there is a slightly different type of incense-burner
(PI. XVII, Fig. 2). The eyes differ from those of the Petha
type (Fig. 26). The nostrils are round dots rather than slits
and the mouth is very small. The forehead elevation is
lacking.*
There is another type (PI. XVII, Figs. 2 and 3) from east
and south Yaxchilan differing in the arrangement of the upper
1 The largest that was seen measured 6 inches in height to the top of the bowl.
The height to the top of the head was 9^ inchto. The diameter of the bowl was
8} inches.
^ Chamay (1887, p. 443) notes finding incense-burners of the two forms in
the ruins of Yaxchilan, and he states that the difference of type may point to
two different races. As I have before noted, this difference may coincide with a
difference noted in painting the face and in the use of certain gods.
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RELIGION OF TUB LACANDONES
91
part of the head from that just described. In place of the con-
ventional arrangement of the hair, there is a rope effect.
There is still another type of hrasero among the Lacandones.
This is composed of a larger bowl (PL XVII, Fig. 5), with a
design similar to that seen on one of the gourds (PL XXI,
Fig. 1). On the one pictured the head is gone, but one similar
in decoration seen
in a settlement of
Lacandones on the
Lacantun River
had a head very
much smaller in
proportion to the
size of the bowl
than those of the
regular Petha
type.
The Lacandones
assert that in for-
mer times the in-
cense-burners were
made in other
forms, some pos-
sessing arms and legs. These are seldom made or used now.
In one of the encampments, small animals made of clay were
noted (PL XIX, Fig. 1). One of these had on its back a
minute bowl for holding copal. This was never used in any of
the rites and seemed to serve as a plaything for the children.
It may well have been a degraded survival of the time when
animals made of clay were offered to the gods as sacrifices.
Plate XIX, Fig. 2, shows one of the braseritos identical in
shape with the larger varieties, but used by the children in learn-
ing the sequences of the religious rites and the chants employed
before the idols and incense-burners.
As belonging to the gods themselves, the braseros are kept
with great care and observance. In every collection of huts
Fig. 26.
Incense-barner of the Lacandones.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
92 MATA8 AND LACAND0NE8
there is always one which is larger than the others. This is
used exclusively for the observances of the rites in behalf of
the gods. ^ The domestic and religious life of the Lacandones
fare always carried on in separate places. The sacred hut has
its own fire and its own utensils, which are exclusively used for
the celebration of the religious observances. To bring any
food into the domestic hut renders it unfit to be offered to the
gods. Great secrecy and privacy^in regard to the rites inside
the sacred hut, together with its contents, are carefully ob-
served. In many settlements this hut is surrounded by a
screen of palm leaves to protect it from the prying eyes of
the occasional Mexican visitor. Sometimes when there are
important rites in progress all the trails leading to the settle-
ment are stopped up with underbrush. Any attempt at
approach to the sacred inclosure is absolutely denied the
outsider.*
It seems to be an especially bad omen if the sight of any of
the braseroB is obtained by a foreigner. With difficulty one
may induce the Indians to talk about their gods when admis-
sion to the sacred hut or any approach to it would be denied
even at a time when there is no rite in progress.
Outwardly, the hermita^ or house of the idols, is the same as
the domestic habitation (PI. VIII, Figs. 1, 2, and 3). It is
thatched with palm leaves which come down very low, thus
affording an effective screen to the interior of the hut, as there
are no sides. The two ends are entirely open, and it is around
these that the tall fence of palm leaves is built if they point
1 Cf. Vlllagutierre, 1701, Bk. IV, Chap. XIV, p. 264 :" Y la otra (casa) atin
mas grande, que todas las otras, era el Adoratorio de los perversos Idolos de
aquellos Lacandones, donde se hallaron nrnchos de ellos, de formas raras.^*
2 Cf. Sapper, 1897, p. 263 : **In der Cariben-Ansiedelong am Pet Ha dagegen
wurde mir der Zugang zur Ermita verwebrt ; meine FUhrer aber besuchten die-
selbe unbemerkt und machten mir eine Beschreibung davon, welche im Allge-
meinen mit meinen friiheren Erfahrungen von Izan zusammenstimmte.''
Also ibid., p. 265 : '* Aber scheue Geschdpfe, die jeden Versuch, ttber ihrer
Religion zu sprechen (so weit ihr sebr gebrochenes Spanisch so etwas fiberhaupt
gestatten wfirde), mit grosser Entschiedenheit zuriickwiesen."
Also Sapper, 1891, pp. 892-895.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 93
toward a path or trail by which the Mexicans are likely to
approach the encampment. The house is oblong, with the long
sides to the east and west.
The list of gods found existing among the Lacandones of the
present time numbers fifteen. This list is by no means ex-
haustive. No collection of idols in any one community repre-
sents all the gods, but only those who have shown themselves as
well disposed toward the people among whom they are to exist.
The major deity among the natives of Chiapas is called
Nohotdakyoiii (the great father). The same god, called Nohoti-
yumtftak, is found to-day among the Mayas of Yucatan. He
is one of a class of spirits dependent only on M Chan Dios^
introduced by the Spaniards. Nohotiakymn is at the head of
Lacandone pantheon. It is to him that the greatest rever-
ence is paid. Two flowers, tiaknikte (^Plumeria rubra) and
s&knikte (^Plumeria alhd)^ are considered the father and mother
respectively of Nohotdakymn. These two flowers are used in
some of the rites, one of each kind being placed on the mouth of
the hrasero containing the idol of Nohotftakytim. In the prayers
given before the idols, the other and lesser deities are invoked
to come and carry the sacrifices offered and present them to
"the great lord." His power is wholly beneficent* He does
not use it at all times, however, but withdraws it and denies it
as he sees fit. The method of ascertaining whether or not a
god is willing to have himself represented by an idol and
brasero in any encampment will be described later (p. 99).
Nohotftakynm of the Lacandones lives at the ruins of Yaxchilan.
The Lacandones of Lake l^etha stated that Nohotiakyniii lived
near Anaite. Now Anaite is a short distance south of the
Usumacinta River, about midway between Piedras Negras and
Yaxchilan or Menche. The location of the homes of the gods
given by the Petha Lacandones was only in general terms.
The direction " near Anaite " may well be either the ruins at
Piedras Negras to the north or those of Yaxchilan to the south.
It is stated that there are ruins at the home of Nohoaakyum.
Later, however, in a settlement much nearer the vicinity of the
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
94 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
ruins themselves, it was definitely stated that Nohotiakynm and
many of the other gods inhabited the ruins of Yaxehilan.
This city is in an easterly direction from the encampment near
Lake Petha, where most of the observations were made. More-
over, the spirits of the east, Talanqinqn, are regarded as the
servants of this main god. The sun itself occupies an inferior
place in the pantheon. It is regarded as a servant ready to
carry out the commands of his master, Nohotiakyom. Many of
the constellations and the spirit of the thunder are regarded as
other servants of "the great lord." It is supposed that at the
end of the world Nohotiakyuin will wear around his waist as a
belt the body of Hftpikern, a very bad spirit in the form of a
snake, who draws people to him by his breath and slays them.
Nohotiakynm has a daughter called Ertub (the little one) or
Upal (his child). She lives at Yaxehilan in the same locality
as her father. He also has several sons. None of them are
represented in any of the collections of idols in any of the en-
campments visited by the writer, and their names have not
been made out.
Nohoaakyum is one of four brothers. Tantho is the oldest
of the four and seems to rank as second in importance to
Nohotftakynm. His home is on the Usumacinta River near
Tenosique, in some high cliffs.^ He has the spirit of the north,
damanqinqu, associated with him in his work, and his home is
situated in the north in respect to the country occupied by the
Lacandones. Among the Lacandones on the Lacantun River,
the god Tantho is said to belong to another part, and in a few
other cases there seems to be a distinction made in regard to
the gods between the natives around Lake Petha and eastward
of Ocosingo and those on the Salinas and Lacantun. This is a
question on which it will be necessary to have much more
material before we can decide with any definiteness. It may,
as I have stated before, point to a time when the Lacandones
were not as homogeneous as they now appear to be.
1 Undoubtedly the cliffs are those at Boca del Cerro. See Maler, 1901-1903,
PI. I.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
RELIGION OF THE LAGAN DON E8 95
The second brother, according to age, is called Usnkun, which
in Maya means his older brother. He is thus named in respect
to Nohotftakynm. This god lives in a cave. He has the earth-
quake, Kisin, as his servant, and is not of good intention. His
idol is usually found, however, in every collection of the sacred
ollas^ but it is always placed apart from the rest, as if its
presence would be harmful when in the vicinity of the braseros
of the other gods. The idol of Usukim is not neglected, however,
* , but it is placated with oiFerings of food and drink as are those
of the other gods.
The younger brother of Nohoaakyom is called Uyioin. This
word has the meaning "his younger brother." He lives at
Yaxchilan in company with the gods who make that place
their residence. His power is always for the good.
It is £]:obable-that the four brotherg are identififid with the
four cardinal points, with Nohotftakynm representing the east
(yalanqin) as the leader. Tanth^ is clearly associated with the
north (ftamanqin). A god called Mensabak seems to be identi-
fied with the west (tilqin) rather than either of the two other
brothers. The god associated with the south (noholqin) has
not been made out. It is quite probable that the four brothers
are the same as the four Nnkutiyumtiakob found existing
among the Mayas of Yucatan (p. 155).
Next in importance to the four brothers is the goddess Akna
(the mother). She is considered the mother of certain of the
lesser gods as Nohotiakyom is the father of many of the gods.
The exact relation existing between him and Akna has not been
satisfactorily made out. Akna is the goddess of childbirth.
Prayers and offerings are made especially to her on the birth
of a child. When serving in this capacity she is called Utiel.
This is the same deity mentioned by the early authorities as
goddess of medicine and of childbirth.
The latter has a husband called Aqantiob^ or Tftitiaktiob.
1 The literal meaning of this name is the squint-eyed one (tftob) crying aload
(aqan).
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96 MATA8 AND LAGAN DON E8
Landa^ mentions that in the year whose dominical letter was
Canao, in order to avert certain calamities, idols were made to
the demonios^ one of whom was called ^^Chiohak-ohob/'^ Among
the Lacandones Aqantdob or Tftitdaktiob is one of the favoring
deities. Both he and his consort, Akna, live at Yaxchilan.
A god named loana lives also at Yaxchilan. The similarity
of the nc^me of this god with that of Itzanma, also written
Zanrna, one of the culture heroes of the Mayas, is very striking.
In the Lacandone pantheon, neither the position of loana nor
that of another god called loananohqn points to any close con-
nection between them and the Itzanma of old, as they both
occupy places far inferior to that of Nohotiakyum and his three
brothers. In one settlement loana was said to be the caretaker
of the underworld, but he seems in no way to be connected with
the idea of death.
We thus find in many of the names given to the gods of the
Lacandonessuryiyals of iMwiws-atated by the early historians as
the names of tlia-godsqf the Maya^at the time of the Conquest.
In only a few cases, however, do the attributes of a god remain
unchanged.
The name of the other culture hero of the early natives of Yu-
catan, Qnqoloan (written Kulkolcan), is still retained among the
Lacandones as the name of a mythical snake with many heads,
living only in the vicinity of the home of Nohotiakynm. This
snake is killed and eaten only at the time of great national peril,
as during an eclipse of the moon and especially that of the sun.
In a high cliff on the western shore of Lake Petha, there lives
the god loananohqn, and on the opposite side of the lake the
diety called Kakoti. The home of the former is the only one
that has been located precisely. This is due to the fact that
the abode of the god was visited in company with some Indians
who went there to burn copcU and offer sacrifices. The rite in
connection with this will be described later (p. 148).
iLanda, 1864, Chap. XXXVIH, p. 230.
*Thi8 word written according to the system adopted by the writer would be
Tftitiaktiob.
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RELIOION OF TEE LACAND0NE8 97
The god named Qaq (fire) lives near Tenosique. . Among the
early Mayas there was a goddess called Suhtiikak (virgin firQ().
This god of the Lacandones may be connected with her, as new
fire has to be made at certain points in the various rites (p. 133).
Kananqai (caretaker of the forest) lives near the monteria of
San Hipolito, a few leagues north of Petha. As his name im-
plies, he seems to be the god of the forest. There is a class of
spirits in Yucatan bearing the same name. They are the gods
of the woods. What is found as the name of a single god
among the Lacandones often appears as the name of a class of
, spirits among the Mayas of the present time. This latter idea
is perhaps the outgrowth of the Spanish influence to bring about
a subordination of the Maya gods to the many saints of the
Catholic Church.
Mensabak^ lives near San Hipolito. He is probably identi-
fied as the god of rain, as has been explained (p. 71). He is
also called Yumkan—abak.^ The latter name seems to be used
when he is appealed to in behalf of a sick person. Just as
Nohotiakyum has the spirits of the east to aid him, so Menaabak
has for his helpers the spirits of the west (Tftiqinqn). He has a
brother called Dibani, of whom there is little known.
Nohqu is a god living at Yaxchilan. The same name is found
in combination in the name of the god loananohqu. They are
probably two distinct gods however. Nohqu is a name given to
a class of spirits among the Mayas who are the guardians of
the milpa.
Qaiyom (singing god) is the god of music, and his brasero is
always in the form of an earthen drum (PI. XX, Fig. 2). He
is said to live in the sky.
8&kapuk is a god of unknown attributes. His name means
a hill of white earth, which may denote the character of the
locality near Anaite, where the god lives.
^ The literal meaning of this word is men, the maker of, and sabak, black
powder or soot.
3 The literal meaning would be yum, the god ; kana, above ; aabak, the
black powder. Freely it is the god who is above the rain cloud.
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98
MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
Fig. 27.
Tro-Cort. 104, b.
There is a god of the bees.^
It seems as if there were separate ideas among the different
settlements of the Lacandones regarding the residence of the
gods other than the few most important ones. That each en-
campment had its own special gods in addition to a few pos-
sessed in common, seems probable. In a settlement visited on
the Lacantun, loananorkn, Kakoti,
Sukapuk, and Mensab&k were not
found, although their names were
recognized.
Besides the main deities, there
are a large number of lesser gods
or spirits whose duty it is to aid the
gods in carrying out their work.
dtabai is the name of a class of
spirits living in the stones of the
forest. The same group of spirits
is also now found in Yucatan. They are of evil nature. A
god called Tabai without the female particle ft is mentioned as
a deity of the Mayas at the time of the Conquest. This is but
another example of the fact of the survival of the name of the
god to the present time with a change, of attributes.
Tanupekqn (the spirit who is moving) is the god of the
thunder. He announces the approach of the rain. As has
been stated, he is one of the servants of Nohotftakynm.
Tanuhaoqu (the spirit who is striking or whipping) is the god
of the lightning. He drives the storm, and the flash of the
lightning is his whip.
The sun, Qin, is one of the lesser gods. His consort is the
moon, called Akna. She has no relation to the other goddess
bearing the same name. When there is an eclipse of the sun,
it is said that Nohotftakynin is ill. Kites are held and offerings
are made to the gods.^ Every one abstains from secular work
1 Figure 27 shows a rite, probably an offering of corn (kan) in some form in
honor of the bee god. In Codex Tro-Cortesianus, pp. 103-112, there is a long
portion which has to do with the bees.
2 The rite does not differ from those which will be described. See Chant No. 2.
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RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 99
of all kinds, and each family remains in their own home during
the period of an eclipse. All kinds of animals may be freely
eaten. An eclipse of the moon is a less serious event. It is
regarded as a sign that the daughter of Nohotftakyum is ill. A
rite (Chant No. 2) is celebrated as in the case of an eclipse of
the sun. I was not successful in finding a god whose office
seemed to deal with death, although it is certain that this god
of death played a most important part among the early Mayas,
as seen in his constantly occurring figure in the manuscripts.
It is not impossible that some of the gods of the Lacandones .
may be identified with those represented in the Codices.
The gods are all more or less well disposed toward the people
with the exception of Uftukun. All have to be propitiated in
various ways, however, or they are supposed to send fevers
and other forms of sickness.
All the gods named in the previous list are not usually rep-
resented in any one encampment. Only those are found to
whose shrine a pilgrimage has been made and a stone either
carved or otherwise brought back.^ These journeys cannot
be made at will, but only after the god has shown himself as
willing to receive such a pilgrimage.
There are two methods of divination by which it may be
ascertained whether or not a god is willing to have his idol
placed in the sacred hut, thus showing his consent to come and
exert a beneficent influence over the encampment in question.
These acts of divination may only be performed by the father
or oldest son of the settlement, and it is only they and their
direct line who understand the rite. Chanting is a necessary
part to this ceremony of divination.
* In the encampment where a greater part of the rites to be described took
place there were brciseros containing the idols of Tantho, XTpal, Akna,
It^ananohqo, Aqantiob, Nohqn, Kakoti, Mensabak, Kananqai, Oibana,
Usakiim, and Qaiyum. In an another encampment visited, there were braseros
with their hidden idols of Nohotiakyum, Tantho, Upal, loananohqo, Men-
sabak, loana, Aqantiob, Akna, Qaq, Sakapuk, XTsukan, and Qaiyum. All
these, as will be described later (p. 101), did not take part in any one rite, but
only those who showed themselves as willing to accept the offering of the
special rite.
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100 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
One of these rites is performed with a strip from the leaf of
a palm, and a part of the detached stem. The leaf is folded in
the middle from side to side. Starting with the folded end,
the leaf is rolled around the stem. The rite proper is then
ready to begin. The stem and the leaf are rolled on the palm
and fingers of the left hand, starting at the wrist with the
fingers and palm of the right hand. The stem thus rolls in
the same direction as the leaf is placed around it. The thumb
and fingers of the left hand grasp the roll until the thumb and
fingers of the right can start the motion again, with the stem
and leaf at the wrist of the left hand. This motion is contin-
ued with frequent spitting on the hands until the end of the
chant (No. 3) in which the name of the god occurs concerning
whom the divination is desired. The leaf is then unwound
from around the stem. If the latter is still in the same posi-
tion in regard to the folded end of the leaf, it is a sign that the
god is unpropitious in regard to the question asked. If, how-
ever, the stem is between or inside the folded end of the leaf
rather than outside, the chanter knows that the petition is
granted. It will be seen that, during the rolling between the
palms, if one end of the leaf takes an extra turn around the
stem or, as quite the same thing, one of the ends of the leaf
unrolls by a single revolution, one of the halves of the leaf
will be turned over, and, on unwinding, the stem will be found
inside rather than outside the folded end as it was at first. ^
There is another method of divination quite distinct from the
first, but employed for the same purpose. The hands are placed
together palm to palm and the fingers bent so that the nail of
each finger on one hand may rest on the very edge of the nail
of the corresponding finger of the other hand. The thumbs are
not brought into play. This is a diflScult act, and for a novice
it is almost impossible. During the chant, which is the same
as in the former rite of divination, the hands are held in this
position, with the finger nails edge to edge, until the chanter
1 The pointed character of the ends of the leaf aids the untwisting or extra
winding of one of the ends during the rolling motion between the palms.
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RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 101
reaches the name of the god for whom the inquiry is held.
The palms are then spread apart. If the nails still remain
edge to edge, it is a sign that the god is willing to have his idol
placed in the sacred inclosure. If one of the nails should slip
over the edge of the other opposite, the omen is evil, and* it is
in this way that the god shows his unwillingness.
Sometimes before the fingers are placed together nail to nail
there is a preliminary movement. The thumb and forefinger
of the left hand are placed together nail to nail at the hollow
on the inside of the arm opposite the elbow. The forearm is
then measured off in spaces of about two inches by the thumb
and forefinger. At each measurement the nails of the two
digits must join edga to edge. This is carried to the top of the
thumb of the right hand, when the part previously described of
joining each finger of one hand to the corresponding finger of
the other is carried out.
I have spoken of these acts of divination as if they were
carried out principally^to ascertain the willingness or unwilling-
ness of a god to have a pilgrimage made to his shrine in search
of an idol of the god in question. These journeys are made at
very infrequent intervals, and they are becoming more and
more rare. The principal use to which the divinatory rites are
put is to ascertain if a god whose idol is already in the sacred
hut is willing to exert his beneficent influence in some special
rite. If the augury is of evil omen, the braseroj together with
its idol, is not placed on the altar of palm leaves with those to
whom the offerings are to be made, but it remains on the shelf
where all the olios rest when a rite is not in progress.^
^ In the encampment -where most of the rites described were witnessed, three
of the braseros with their idols remained on the shelf during all the rites
observed, those of Akna, Kananqad, and pibana. A year later, those of
Kananqai and Qibana were still f oand remaining on the shelf during the rites,
as they were not disposed to exert a good influence over the encampment as
shown by the act of divination. There was a change however. Mensabak, who,
the year before, had been placed on the altar with the others who were well dis-
posed, now remained on the shelf ; and Akna, who, the previous year, had been
kept on the shelf, was now used in all the rites. In the other encampment
where the gods have been named, the idols and braseros of Qaq and 8&kapak
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102 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
Th€ rites of divination are employed to the accompaniment
of a different chant (No. 4) to ascertain the particular kind of
offering desired by the gods in some special rite. In some
encampments the gods as a whole enjoy one variety of offer-
ing fls shown by divination, and in a neighboring settlement an
entirely different kind of offering is desired. The character of
the offerings given to the gods is most varied.^ The gifts
not only differ from place to place but from time to time.
Each form of ceremony seems to have its special offering.
The most common of all contributions is that of copal gum.
This is either offered in crude lumps (pom) or worked into
special forms (»u) (p. 125). The copal is burned as incense,
and a pleasant odor is produced.
Another form of incense is made by burning the sap of the
rubber tree. This is often combined with the copal as a gift to
the gods, qiqiluka.
An intoxicating drink, baltse, and called in the chants ba, is
another frequent offering together with different kinds of po%ol
(maao). In the chants poBol is called tenia or sol. There are
many combinations of food and drink offered to the incense-
burners in behalf of the gods, and in some cases the quantity is
brought into account. Posol made with honey has the name
kabitumaaoil; po%ol with cocoa, ominuka. Offerings of baltSe in
different quantities are called napdil (something measured with
the fingers) and wiobil (something snapped with the fingers).
The name eroe is given to an offering of a small gourd of baltie.
An offering of thin and brown tortillas is called tikinawa, a form
of tortillas made with wood yatsewa, and a tortilla made in the
form of a cup lekuwahU. Norwa or tntiwa is a gift of thick
tortillas to the gods. Bnliwa is a tamale made of frejoles (buul)
seldom showed themselves as willing to be placed on the altar with the others in
the celebration of a rite. These ollas remaining on the shelf were not entirely
neglected. There were offerings made to them of food and drink, but copal was
never homed in them nor was there any continued chanting made before them.
^ Space does not allow me to enter upon a discussion of the identification of
several of the kinds of offerings represented in the Codices, but this in itself
would be a fruitful study.
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RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 103
and corn. Cocoa mixed with baltse is called uyonin. There
are two offerings in which meat figures, baqiluka and utntil.
Bands of bark are offered as fillets to the gods. They are
called hnun. A gift of these fillets together with baltse is called
hnuninuka. The bow and arrows are given to the gods at cer-
tain rites. An offering of red paint made of achiote berries
(kusn) is common. In some of the ceremonies, flowers are
presented to the braseros in behalf of the gods. Offerings of
certain kinds of fish (tsaklau and s&ktan) are made in some of
the rites. In addition to these offerings, a part of all the first
fruits of the fields must be given to the gods each year.
' I have not been able to make out the strict rule regarding
the possession of a separate set of these idols and braseros. At
first one might suppose that each totemic division worships at a
1 single place where there is located a collection of idols more or
less complete. This is not so except where members of the
same gens live in the same encampment.
In the two encampments of the maao gens, where most of the
rites described were observed, the two sets of sacred alias
together with their idols originally belonged to the same
encampment. It will be seen (p. 99, note) that there is only
one idol of Nohotiakjrum in the two encampments, whereas both
settlements possess idols of many of the other gods. The du-
plicate set was obtained in more recent pilgrimages. The
idol of Nohotiakynm originally belonged to the father of the
three brothers Qin, Chankin, and the one who had died (p. 43).
By inheritance and pilgrimage, the father had come into the
possession of the idols of a greater part of the gods. On his
death they were divided among his three sons, the eldest
obtaining the idol of Nohotsakynm and the brasero used at the
time in connection with it, together with his share of the other
idols with their incense-burners. The two younger sons took
their part of the idols and the corresponding braseros^ and made
a new encampment for themselves not far away. These two
collections of idols were gradually enlarged by pilgrimages to
the home of the gods mitil each encampment contained those
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104 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
of the main gods, with the exception of that of Nohotiakynm,
of whom there was but one idol in the two settlements. This
seems to show that there is some rule in regard to the posses-
sio n of b ut one idol of the main god in a single family line.
Priestly Duti^r^iJ^anda makes reference^ to a priestly class
which:"5llow8irwell-defined system of organization : ChUan, or
: priests ; Chao, sorcerers and physicians ; and Naoons, assistants.
. It is to the first of these classes that one would naturally
turn to find explanations of the questions which we would like
answered concerning the system of hieroglyphs and that of the
calendar together with the closely allied subject of the religion
and the ceremonial rites. This class seems to have vanished
completely, and we have remaining in isolated districts only
the gente rustica. In Yucatan one finds a class of men who
claim to know how to read the future through a crystal or
by some other means (p. 163). These people bear the title
Men, from the root of the verb meaning "to know how."*
They are generally an ignorant and unintelligent class of
people. They may be the descendants in ofl&ce of the class
of priests formerly called Chao, as they combine the power of
healing with that of forecasting the future.
One is not surprised to find that the Lacandones of the
present time seem to have no priests. The religion has ceased
to be in any way national, and the function of priest is carried
out by the head of the family in each encampment as in the
most primitive form of human society. In one case the leader of
the settlement, in taking charge of a rite, placed around his neck
a string of seeds like those worn by the women. This may
have had some ceremonial importance as showing his priestly
function. The rigid authority of the father and husband over
the members of the family is perhaps the outcome of the place
he holds in the religious life. Visitors ^t ceremonial rites, how-
ever old they may be, are allowed only to assist the head of the
family in the duties of the feast. The women and children of
an encampment, together with the families of the near neigh-
1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XXVH. « Cf. Garcia, 1905, pp. 52-57.
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RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE3 105
bors, remain in the domestic huts while the husbands and older
boys are inside the sacred inclosure taking their parts in the
rites.
// Cer emonies^ — There are no ceremonies where the women
t»ke^any*active part other than in the preparatioii~of the
offerin gs in the shelter adjoining the sa cred hutT^^ StTihe
close of a rite they are allowed to enter the inc losure^ndTiaEe
a part i n the general feasting . Thjs^nluainn of the women
irom an y^share in the religious life is a question of sex rather
than ofany fam ily co nnection.
All the ceremonies of the Lacandones follow the same
general idea, that of burning incense in behalf of the gods in
the braseroB and offering food a nd drink on the extended lip of
the face on the incense-bowl. The rites vary only in regard
to the nature of the articles offered. Sncrifioos- are always
accompanied by chants or prayers which cover the whole
variety of human experience met with by an Indian from
his birth to his death. The ceremonies to be taken up do not
cover this whole field, but they may be taken as sufficient
criteria by which to judge of the nature of the others.
The rites described occurred in the two neighboring encamp-
ments, the people of whom I have already mentioned. The
caribaU^ as the settlements are called by the Mexicans of the
country, are situated one league and a half east of Lake Petha
in Chiapas, near the trail running from Tenosique and La
Husion to Ocosingo. The people are the same individuals
whom Mr. Maler describes as living on the shore of Lake
Petha.2
I shall take up in detail the ceremony in which the sacred
alias or braseros are renewed. There are many minor rites
1 Cf. Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. XH, Chap. VII, p. 690: "Todos los Indios v&n
siempre & la adoracion de el Idolo ; las mugeres no se hallan presentes, sino
sola la doncella, que haze el pan k los Ministros de el demonio.''
Cf. also Landa, 1804, Chap. XL, p. 278: "Venido pues el aflo nuevo, se
juntavan todos los varones en el patio del templo solos, porque en ningun
aacrificio o fiesta que en el templo se hazia, havian de hallarse mugeres.^'
a Maler, 1901-1903, Chap. V.
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106 MAYA8 AND LACAND0NE8
which will be touched upon, but they are all similar to some
part of the renewal ceremony. ^
Theoretically, there must be a_renfiffialQf the incense-burners
each„^fiar* In practice, however, it does not always take place,
owing to the great amount of work necessary in carrying out
such a rite and the large quantity of corn consumed in the
repeated offerings to the gods. To keep within the letter of
the law, there is always at least one incense-burner made each
year, and if the season has been a fruitful one, and there is an
abundance of corn, the whole ceremony is celebrated.
Regarding this renovation of the incense-vessels, there is a
very pleasing jarallel f ound in Landa.* In the month Chen or
Tax, which roughly corresponds, according to the author, to our
December or January, a festival called bona was celebrated in
honor of the Chaos, whom the people- regarded as the lords of
the field.«
The whole ceremony as observed among the Lacandones
stretches over considerably more than a month. In the two
celebrations of this series of rites witnessed, they began about
the middle of February and lasted until nearly the end of
March. I could find in the dates of the various parts of the
ceremony no correlation to the phases of the moon or of any
constellation, although it seems as if something of this sort
must, at one time, have been the regulating factor. The time of
i observing the rite depends in great part on the ripening of the
products of the milpa. It is in these rites that all the first fruits
of the field must be offered to the gods before anything may
be eaten by the people. The work of making the new milpa]
is usually postponed until the renewal ceremony is completed..
^ The word ** ceremony ^* will be used as signifying a succession of rites held
for a single purpose.
^Landa, 1864, Chap. XL, p. 242. (See quotation in note, p. 84.) Ihid,,
Chap. XL, p. 278: ** Para celebrarla con mas solemnidad, renovavan en este dia
todas las cosas de su servicio, como platos, yasos,*yanquillos, serillas, y la ropa
vieja, y las mantillas en que tenian los idolos enbueltos.''
' The word tSak (chao) is seen in the name of the main god in the
pantheon, Noho(tft)-tSak-7um, and also in the name of the rain gods found
among the Mayas of Yucatan, NukutS-yum-tSak-ob (p. 155).
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RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 107
The general idea in this series of rites for the renewal of
the sacred olios is that these braseros djg and new ones must be
made to take their places.^
Before the rite can take place where the braaeros of the
previous year are given their last offering and the sacred idol
removed, the new ollas must be made together with a large
earthen drum and 9* large number of braseritoa. The latter
are supposed to aid in the general ceremony as additional
servants of the gods.
Each of this smaller class of olios belongs to a certain one of
the idols contained in the larger incense-vessels. Although
these broseritos are all very much alike as regards shape and
decoration, they can be distinguished by their owners each from
the other, and the leader knows to which one of the main gods
each belongs. As an offering is administered to each of these
broseritos^ the chant denotes in what way the gift is to be dis-
posed of. Some of the braseritos are given directly to the gods
represented by the larger incense-burners, who act as the agents
of the idol contained in their bowls, and others of the broseritos
are given to the gods to serve as messengers to carry the
offering to Nohotdakyum.
In one encampment where the renewal rites were observed
there were thirty-two of the common form of broserito. Four
were given to Aqantiob for his own use, two to Mensabak, two to
Nohqu, two to Tantho, two to Upal, and four to loananohqn and
Kakoa, and all for their individual use (atnili) ^ Four others
were given to loananohqu for him to carry to Nohotftakyum
(aknbtik yum).^ Kakoti was given, in addition to those for
his own use as servants, four to aid him in carrying the offering
to the main god and another four to help in taking the sacrifice
1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXVII, p. 158: **Bien sabian ellos que los idolos
eran obras suyas y muertas y sin deidad, mas que los tenian en reverencia por lo
que representavan, y porque les avian becho con tantas cerimonias, en especial
losdepalo/'
2 Atnill, for yourself or for you as your right. It occurs in the chants.
^ Akubtik-yum, you restore it (thtf offering) to the father. The idea is that
he originally gave it.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
108 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
to Aqantiob. The relative importance of the gods in this en-
campment as regards their willingness to cure may be made
out from the respective number of braserito8 given to each god.
Aqantiob seems to be the most well disposed of the gods repre-
sented in the settlement, and loananohqn and Kakoti, although
having four of the braseritos as their own, still must play the
role of messengers, and they each have four of the small olios
given them, with the express command to restore (kub) the offer-
ing to Nohotiakyam, and, as was seen, Kakoti has, in addition,
four others to carry to Aqantiob. The prominence given to the
latter god is probably due to the fact that in the rite of divina-
tion the name of this god has always appeared as a good omen
or that some one has been cured under the direction of this god.
In the manufacture of the two kinds of incense-burners, the
braseros and the braseritos, certain definite restrictions are made.
^ A small shelter of palm leaves must first of all be built in a
retired spot at some distance from the regular encampment.^
Here a quantity of clay and quartz sand are brought together
and the work of modeling the sacred alias begun. The very
greatest secrecy is observed, and the women are on no account
allowed to approach the shelter where the new incense-burners
are being made. The modeler places a mass of clay on a
portion of a banana leaf, which in turn rests on a low wooden
stool. The bowl of tlie brasero is made first, chiefly by means
of the fingers. A small paddle of wood is used to smooth down
the surfaces.^ On the edge of the bowl, a flat piece of wet clay
is placed as the foundation for the head. The nose, hair, eyes,
and mouth are made and stuck on afterward. Through the
center of the bottom of the bowl a single hole is made, and at
1 I^nda, 1864, Chap. XL, p. 308 : *^ Venida la madera hazian una casilla de
paja cercada donde metian la madera y una tinaja para en que echar los idolos y
alii tenerlos atapados como los fuessen haziendo . . . y con estos adere^os se
encerravan en la casilla el sacerdote y los chaces y el official, y comen^van su
labor de dioses. *'
^ Figure 28 may show the shaping by means of a wooden paddle, although it
seems more likely that the implement in the hands of the workman is of stone,
and in that case the carving of a stone idol is probably represented.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8
109
both sides similar holes, one above the other, for ventilation.
The alias are allowed to dry several days, when they are baked
for a few hours in a bed of hot coals. ^ After the baking, the
Fio. 28.
Tro-Cort. 97, b.
Fio. 29.
Tro-Cort. 100, b.
bowls are ready to be decorated as has been described (p. 69).*
The white paint is made of chalk, and put on over all the surface
of the olla. The red color, made from the achiote berry, and
the black, of the soot collected from the burning copal^ are put
on with a brush composed of a stick, on the end of which some
cotton is "wound.
At the first of these renewal ceremonies witnessed, there were
twenty-six ollas made, all identical in form with one exception.
Fio. 30.
Tro-Cort. 99, d.
Fio. 31.
Tro-Cort. 101, b.
Eight were of the larger size, and were to contain the stone
idols of the gods, the other eighteen were smaller and were
1 According to FOrstemann (1902, p. 138), Fig. 29 shows a clay idol being
baked in an oven. The head is the same as that in Figs. 25 and 28, and is
similar to god C, of Schellhas (1904, p. 19).
2 Figures 30 and 31 may show the painting of the incense-bowls with the end
of a leaf. Figure 31 shows the same form of head.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
110
MAYAS ^AND LACAND0NE8
Fig. 32.
Handled incense-burner of the Lacandones.
made to contain no idols. Of this number of smaller ollas^ one
differed from all the others in form (Fig. 32 and PI. XX,
Fig. 1). Below the head on the edge of the bowl there
stretched a round projection of the same material as the bowl,
about six inches long and an inch in diameter. The end was
flattened and represented a hand. This olla may be described
as a form of incense-bowl with
a handle. This shape is met
with, but without the head, in
the remains of the older cul-
ture. In the Peabody Muse-
um there are several clay arms
with closed hands which might
well have served as handles to
incense-burners in the same
way as the arm and hand represented by this olla of the Lacan-
dones.^ The handled incense-burner with the head on the side
of the bowl, however, has not been met with as far as I know
among other than the Lacandones. Tlie ends of most of the
ancient handled incense-burners represent the mouth of an
animal, usually that of a serpent. It may be that the offerings
of food were placed in the mouth of these animal heads on the
ends of the handles, as we find at the present time the food
placed in the mouth of the common form of brasero without a
handle. But on the handled incense-burners of the Lacan-
dones, it is on the outstretched hand rather than on the mouth
of the brasero that the offerings of food and drink are placed.
This handled olla is called Akna, the mother. It never appears
except at this ceremony, when the new braseros are installed.
The name of thQ renewal rite as given by Landa^ is Ocna.
These two terms are undoubtedly the same; and the name of
the whole rite may take its name from that of the idol with the
projecting arm, as this is regarded as the ceremonial mother of
the new ollas. She seems to have no relation to the other and
1 Cf. PI. XIX, Fig. 8.
« Landa, 1864, Chap. X, p. 242.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
heligion of the lacandones 111
more important goddess who bears the same name. The latter
is the mother of many of the main gods, whereas the f onner is the
ceremonial mother of the braseros themselves. This olla with
the projecting arm plays an unimportant part in the several rites.
In a later ceremony witnessed at another encampment from
that just described, there were forty olla8 (Fig. 33, p. 112),
only seven of which were of the larger variety. The others
were braseritos^ and all of the same form with the exception of
the ceremonial mother, whose olla has just been described. In
addition to the sacred alias there is also made in preparation
for the renewal ceremony a ceremonial drum to take the place
of that used during the previous year. Sometimes two drums
are n^ade at this time. These as well as the braseros are sup-
posed to die each year.
The drum is composed of a clay jar (PL XX, Fig. 2) about
twenty inches high. Over the top of the jar is stretched a
piece of the hide of the tepekquinte for a head. The whole
drum is painted white. On one side near the top there is a
head similar in all respects to that found on all the sacred
alias. This head, as it has been explained, represents one of
the lesser gods called Qaiynm.
The modeling, baking, and painting of all the alias occupies
at least four weeks, and it is carried on, as has been stated, with
the utmost secrecy, away from all except the men of the immedi-
ate family who are to celebrate the feast. These men, during
this period of preparation, as well as throughout the entire rite,
sleep in the ceremonial hut where the old idols are kept.
At this time of preparation a new ceremonial robe is started
(PI. XV, Fig. 1). The cotton must be spun and woven by
an old woman of the tribe, and a widow.^ All the work has to
be done in the sacred inclosure. This robe is for the leader
of the ceremony.
I have already spoken of the exterior of the sacred hut
(p. 64). A description of the interior would be of assistance
1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXVI, p. 222 :**... Les mandava el demonio
ofrecerle hardillas y un paramento sin labores ; el qual tezessen las yiejas/^
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
112
MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
<<>
<t>
CD
<^
c
J
O'
Fio. 33.
Plan of sacred indosore of the Lacandones.
\J
r\
U
a, row of braseroa.
6, rows of braseritos.
c, row of &a2<«e.
d, row of buliwa.
e, o2/a with arm.
/, board of copal,
gjicaras to be filled.
hf jar for &a^(«e.
jt seat of leader.
A;, seats of others.
It drum, Qaiyum.
m, shelf for o//cm.
n, dead braseros.
0, log of water,
p, log for sugar cane.
9, log for baltse.
r, offering for Usukan.
8, ceremonial fire,
t, cover to make soot.
1, brasero of Kakots.
2f brasero of Nohqo.
3, brasero of Yantho.
4, brasero of Aqantsob.
5, brasero of loananohqn.
6, brasero of Akna.
7, brasero of Upal.
8, brasero of Mensabak.
9, brcuero of Kananqas.
10, brasero of Oibana.
11, &ra«ero of Usukan.
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RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 113
to a better understanding of the rites as they progress.^ I
shall speak of it as it appears during the progress of the re-
newal ceremony after the new braseros have replaced those of
the previous year, and the braseritos are arranged in front
of the latter. There is, in addition, an offering of baltie before
the braseritos (Fig. 33).
When a ceremony is not being observed, the incense-burners
rest on a hanging shelf (m, Fig. 33), in the middle of the
western side of the sacred hut.^ They are arranged in one or
two rows, with their heads always facing the east.
A carpet of palm leaves covers the ground on the western
side of the hermita directly in front of the hanging shelf.
During the celebration of a rite, the sacred olla» are arranged
in a row along the carpet of leaves stretching north and south
(a, Fig. 33, also PI. XX, Fig. 1). The layer of green on which
the braseros rest together with the offerings made to them, I
shall hereafter call the altar.^ The heads on all the braseros
face the east, which is the One point toward which everything
and everybody in the sacred inclosure turn when the impor-
tant parts of the rites are being carried out. It must not be
supposed, however, that the other points of the compass are
neglected. When the leader blows his shell trumpet to call
the gods to come and partake of the offering, he often turns
to the other points as well as to the east.
Directly in front of the line of the main olios or brciseros in
the interior of the hut are the braseritos (6, 6, i. Fig. 33).
^ I have thought it best to describe in detail the interior of one of these
hermita. The arrangement was essentially the same in all those visited, so that
the description may be taken as a general statement.
* Sapper (1891, p. 893) describes the interior of the sacred hut of a Lacan-
done settlement which he visited on the Rio de la Pasion :**... Sah ich die
zahlreichen th5nernen, mit einer vorstehenden gesichtsmaske geschmQckten
Opferschalen, welche, mit Kopal und Wachs gefUllt, auf einigen Uftngebrettem
auf der westseite des gebftndes standen ; davon befand sich ein niedriger Tisch,
auf welchem Wachskerzen abgebrannt worden zu sein schienen. Eigentliche
G5tzenbilder habe ich nicht bemerkt, sofem nicht etwa die Gesichtsmasken der
Opferschalen daf Or angesprochen werden mUssen/*
* In one settlement the incense-burners during the celebration of a rite were
placed upon a low table instead of on a carpet of palm leaves on the ground.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
114 MATAS AND LACAND0NE8
The faces on these also point toward the east. They are em-
ployed each year only in this ceremony of the renewal of the
incense-burners of the gods, after which they are deposited
pnder acliff neaxJLako P oth a .
In addition to the oUas of the main gods and the smaller
alias of the servants of the gods, there are usually other in-
cense-bowls included in the collection possessed by the settle-
ment. They are not arranged on the altar of leaves, but
remain on the suspended shelf when the others are taken down
for the celebration of a rite (8, 9, 10, Fig. 33). These ollas^ as
it has been explained, belong to the gods who are not well
disposed at this special rite toward the people of the encamp-
ment. They do not for this reason find a place with the others
on the altar. They cannot be entirely neglected, however, and
at intervals they are given offerings of food and drink.
At the northwest corner of the hut, the ceremonial drum is
situated (i. Fig. 33, also PI. XX, Fig. 2). The head on the
drum faces the east.
A short distance in front of the altar and near the eastern
side of the hut is a jar (j\ Fig. 33, also PI. XXIV, Fig. 2)
containing the ceremonial drink. From this the gourds are
filled which later are placed in front of the lines of sacred alias.
The jar often has a small head on one side, much smaller and
more insignificant than those on the drums or incense-burners.
The head faces the altar rather than the east.^
In front of the jar to the west a carpet of palm leaves is
spread. On this the gourds rest when being filled with the
baltse contained in the jar (^, Fig. 33).
Directly behind the jar and grouped on either side are
several short-legged wooden stools^ (j\ A:, A, A, A, Fig. 33).
The one behind the jar (J^ and facing the alias is occupied
1 A circle painted in red is sometimes found in place of the clay head on the
jar. This is the case on the jar shown in the figures. It may be that the design
on the upper jar (Fig. 25, p. 88) and a similar one near the top of the jar
(Fig. iOg p. 139) are conventionalized representations of this head.
2 Cf. Sapper, 1897, p. 262 : "Am Pet Ha beobachtete ich zudem niedrige Sttihl-
chen mit vier Fiissen."
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RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 115
during the ceremony by the leader or giver of the feast. The
other seats are used by the participants in the rite. The
assistant of the leader sits at his right.
At the southwest corner of the hut, the old incense-burners
of the previous year, which are supposed to be dead, are grouped
on the ground (n. Fig. 33). The heads face the west rather
than the east, and each bowl contains a shell of the cocoa bean
turned bottom up and covering the head on the edge of the
bowl. These shells are used in giving the sacred ollaB a last
oblation before they are carried away and deposited under a cliff.
The ceremonial rattle (Fig. 19, p. 75) hangs from the roof
at the northern side of the suspended shelf, as well as the reed
oboe. The cover used to collect the soot from the burning
copal for making the black paint also finds a place in the
ceremonial hut, together with gourds and bark boxes in great
numbers which hold the stores and various supplies employed
in the different rites. Everything to be used in any way in the
ceremonies has to be kept in the hermita. The bows and
arrows and the flint points seem also to be made in this house,
and here they are always kept.
A large number of the lower jaws of several kinds of animals,
especially of the deer, the monkey, and the wild boar, were ob-
served sticking into the inside of the thatched roof. These no
doubt serve as reminders, possibly as counts, of sacrifices of
meat made to the idols. ^
Hollow logs containing hives of bees are often found in one
corner of the sacred hut.
In the general neatness of this sacred building there is a great
contrast to the usual appearance of the interior of the domestic
huts.
In front of the house to the east are two logs (^, j, Fig. 33)
about eighteen inches in diameter, lying on the ground. They
are hollowed out for the greater part of their length (PI. XXII,
Fig. 3) and the hole inside covered over with the exception of
1 Sapper (1891, p. 893) notes the presence of the lower jaws in the hermita which
he visited, together with bird feathers doubtless serving a similar purpose.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
116 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
a small opening near the end. Small sticks are laid crosswise
at intervals over the opening, and on these palm leaves are placed.
These logs serve as reservoirs for the ceremonial drink. It is
in these receptacles that it is mixed and allowed to ferment.^
Just below the opening left in the top, where the liquid is
dipped out, there are two circles in red. These correspond to
the pair of circles on the two posts and beams at the western
side of the hut, on either side of the hanging shelf. These,
as has been stated, are probably the same in signification as
the bands of bark fiber colored red and tied around the fore-
heads of the participants in certain of the rites.
A short distance to the east of the sacred hut and in front of
one of the hollow logs is a single incense-burner facing the
east (11, Fig. 33). This belongs to the god Usukun and con-
tains his idol. His influence is not wholly for the good, and
; his idol is not allowed to form one of the collection inside the
hermita.
To the north of the hut is another log (o, Fig. 33). This con-
tains water, and it is here that the leader and his assistants |kl-
ways wash their hands both on entering and leaving the sa6red
inclosure for any secular duties outside.
A screen of palm leaves often surrounds the sacred hut to-
gether with the three logs and the olla under the tree.
With every sacrifice made to the idols there are usually three
stages. The article is brought in and "placed" before the idols,
or, as it is expressed in the chants, "restored" to them. This
act is sometimes carried out without chanting. The gift is then
" offered " to the braseros and their idols as a sacrifice, and the
gods are asked to come in person and partake of the offering.
Finally the food and drink are " administered " to the heads on
the incense-burners in behalf of the god. Posol and baltae
are placed on the mouths of the figures on the side of the bowls
with a spoon and on the end of a roll of palm leaves respectively,
whereas an offering of meat or bullwa is placed on the lip of
^ In one encampment the logs were lacking, and the baltie was made in lai^ge
earthen vessels.
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BELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 117
the hrasero with the fingers. This offering and administration
of food and drink are always accompanied by chanting.
The chants generally describe the acts being performed to
their accompaniment, in addition to offering up prayers for
health and freedom from pain and death. There is consider-
able rhythm to the chants of the Lacandones. Syllables are
elided, lengthened, and slurred. On this account, it is often
difficult to identify the sounds as having any meaning. The
voice is pitched high and is often tremolo. The chants do not
seem to be fixed and unchangeable, as one finds among many
Indian tribes. They are, instead, very elastic. With the ex-
ception of certain fixed phrases, they can be lengthened or
shortened and made to fit the nature of the case in behalf of
which they are offered. Sometimes the god whose brasero and
idol is being addressed is named in the prayer, at other times
the simple title Turn is given him. The general order of
chant begins with an explanation of what is being done and
the name of the god to whom the sacrifice is being offered,
with a petition for the spirit of the brasero to carry the gift to
the god represented by the idol inside the bowl and to whom
the spirit belongs as a servant. The chants usually end with
the name of the person or persons in behalf of whom the offer-
ing is made. If the rite is short in that there are not many
gods to whom offerings are to be made, a prayer for protection
against fever and the bites of snakes and tigers is often added.
Thus, it will be seen that, almost at will, the leader may arrange
his chant, keeping, however, to certain forms of speech.
Renewal rite. — I shall now take up a detailed description of
the rites held in celebi*ating the ceremony of the renewal of
the sacred alias. Some days before a beginning is made in
making the new incense-burners, the old braseros are taken
down from the shelf for the final time and placed on the altar
of palm leaves. For the next six weeks, or during the time
when the alias are being made, there is a daily offering of
pasol made to the old braseros who are about to die and be
superseded by the new ones.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
118 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
This daily gift of posol is varied at intervals by a more elab-
orate rite. These rites are kept up until the new braseros are
molded, baked, and painted, when they are brought to the
sacred hut; and the stone idols, concealed in each case under the
copal ash of the old oHa«, are removed and placed in the bowls
of the new bra%ero9. During certain portions of this time the
men do not wash, and they live separated from their families.^
From the beginning of the renewal ceremony to the end, the
men of the encampment sleep in the sacred hut as a protection
to the braseros^ which remain on the altar of palm leaves from
the time when these daily offerings of po%ol are made, mark-
ing the beginning of the decline and death of the old braaeros^
until the subsequent installation of the new ollas.
The daily offering of posol is a simple rite, usually taking
about two hours. This takes place generally in the morning,
after which the men return to the secret shelter, where the work
of manufacturing the new ollas is carried on. Each night the
women of the encampment are kept busy grinding the corn for
the offering of posol for the following day. This is carried on
in the small shelter to the west of the sacred hut and in which
all the food offered to the gods in the different rites is prepared.
In the morning the ground corn is mixed with water in a large
earthen bowl holding several gallons.
The first act in this daily rite is placing rough lumps of copcU
gum inside the bowls of the incense-burners. This is done by
the leader of the rite, usually the head of the encampment.
These pieces of incense are not in the form of nodules and
arranged on a board as will be seen in a later rite ( PI. XXIV,
Fig. 3), but simply masses of the gum taken from a large supply
contained in a shallow gourd. The men present all turn their
backs as this preparatory act is being performed. The women
do not enter the sacred inclosure until the very end, when the
^ Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXVII, p. 156 : ** Y abstenianse de sus mugeres para
la celebracion de todas sus fiestas. • • • T en algunas ayonos de sus fiestas no
comian carne ni conocian sus mugeres. ^^
Also cf. ibid., Chap. XL, p. 278 : **Para esta fiesta • • . y abstenerse de sus
mugeres."
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BELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 119
general feast begins. As in all the other offerings, the braseros
of the main gods and especially that of Nohotiakyam, if one is
possessed by the encampment, receive a larger supply of eopal
than the alias of the less important gods. The brasero of
Usokiin at the east of the sacred hut is not neglected at this
distribution of copal.
As has been noted, during the time of these last rites to the
old braseros the men of the encampment are engaged in the
work of making new incense-burners. A chant is made (No. 5)
at the distribution of copal which describes the work in progress
in making the new ollas.
The leader then leaves the inclosure and goes to the neigh-
boring shelter, where he receives at the hands of his wife, two
at a time, jicaras or gourds filled with poBol} Great cai'e is
taken to have the outside of the vessel free from all traces of
the liquid. Many of the jicaras are decorated with incised
drawings (Figs. 4-16, and PL XXI, Fig 1). The leader brings
in the gourds two by two and places them in front of the row
of braseros on the carpet of green leaves (PI. XX, Fig. 3). To
prevent them from falling over, they rest on rings woven of a
pliable vine. The brasero of Usukun in front of the sacred hut
has a single jicara of the posol deposited before it. The chant
(No. 6) does not differ greatly from that used when the copal is
distributed. The beginning, however, is quite different. As
the leader stands before the line of braseros with a gourd of the
liquid in each hand, he begins a low droning sound which
increases in intensity until he has stooped down and placed the
jicara before the olla to which it belongs when the regular
chant begins.
At the completion of the depositing of the posol^ the leader
goes to the eastward of the hut and blows five long blasts on
the conch shell, thus calling the gods to come in person.
With a long-handled spoon (huyup), the bowl of which is
1 The number of jicaras offered varies. In the daily rites there are usually
three given to each of the braseros^ one in behalf of the children, one in behalf
of the wife, and one in behalf of the man himself.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
120 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
not more than an inch in diameter, the giver of the feast
administers to the head on each of the braseros a small particle
from each of the gourds oiposol hy placing it upon the mouth
of each one. This act thus consecrates the entire contents of
each yf{?ara to the use of all the gods represented by the braseros
by giving a part for the whole. It is quite as necessary,
however, that, at the end of the rite, the entire contents of
the gourds shall be consumed by the leader and his assist-
ants.
During the feeding of the braseros^ the chant (No. 7) is
repeated as many times as is necessary until all have been
given the offering. The incense-burner of Usukun is given
poBol in the same way. The chant (No. 8) is shorter than that
used before the other gods.
The leader, standing at the east of the sacred hut and facing
the east in the direction of the home of XTohotiakyum, spatters
a small particle of the posol from the end of the spoon into the
air. He utters a short prayer (No. 9) as he does this.
It is at this time in the rite that the braseros whose owners
are not well disposed at the time are given an offering of the
posol contained in the Jicaras. These incense-burners, as it
has been explained, remain on the suspended shelf. ' The chant
is unimportant (No. 10). The leader also places a particle of
the posol on the head of the ceremonial drum, uttering a
prayer (No. 11) which simply explains his action.
The conch shell is then blown a second time as after the
depositing of the posol. To each man present the leader next
gives two palm leaves and to each youth a single leaf. In
some of the rites these leaves are preserved for future use.
In such a case they are folded together and tied with small
shreds of the leaf (PL XXI, Fig.l). Usually, however, they
are for immediate use.
In the daily act of offering posol a ceremonial fire is not made.
The ordinary fire, always burning in the sacred hut, is used to
kindle two pine sticks, which in turn are employed to ignite the
copal placed inside each of the braseros. There is no chanting
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8
121
during this act. A fire sending out dense clouds of black
smoke is soon burning in each olla.
After the copal is all kindled, the leader asks every one an
implied question (No. 12) requesting permission to continue.
He then takes his place, together with his son, at the western
side of the line of blazing braseroB. The other participants in
the rite also gather round and all begin their individual
chanting (No. 13), waving at the same time the leaves* in the
smoke of the burning copal. Every one
seems to repeat the same chant, but it is
not done in unison. The result is quite
unintelligible and confusing. The same
words are repeated over each of the gods
represented by the idols in the bra$ero8,
Tliere is no seeming order in the chant-
ing. At intervals the men rub the palm
leaves over their own shoulders. The
copal in the brasero under the tree at the
east of the hut is also lighted, and each
person goes there for a moment and
waves his leaves in the smoke. The
chanting does not cease until the fires have begun to die out
in the ollas.
Every man then leaves the inclosure and goes to the domes-
tic hut where the women and children are gathered. Each
father sits down behind his family, chants, and taps each one
with the palm leaves (PI. XXI, Fig. 2). These are the
medium by which the eflScient and healing power of the gods
as revealed in the smoke of the incense is carried to those
who need it. If any special part of the body is afflicted, it is
tapped and rubbed at greater length with the leaves. There
seems to be much liberty used in the chant given at the same
time (No. 14). It varies according to the circumstances and
condition of the person in whose behalf it is uttered.
FiQ. 34.
Tro-Cort. 56, t
^ Figure 34 may show a figure carrying a bundle of these leaves.
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122 MAYA8 AND LACAND0NE8
At the completion of this general rite over the members of
the family, the men return to the inclosure, and a second admin-
istration of posol is made to the braseros by the leader.
The daily act of ofifering po$ol is sometimes varied at this
point. When the men return after having chanted with the
leaves before the members of the family, the leader sometimes
brings in from the adjoining shelter two Jicaras of a preparation
made of cocoa berries and beaten into a froth. He distributes
the contents of the two gourds among the jicaras resting in front
* of the hraseros and containing je>o«oZ. This is all done in silence.
Instead of the po9ol as in the shorter rite, this cocoa, which re-
mains floating on the top of the latter, is administered with the
long spoon to the heads on the braseros in behalf of the idols
inside the bowl.
Low wooden stools are arranged in a semicircle along the
eastern side of the hut (A, Fig. 33) and the men occupy them
at this time, all facing the east. The leader gives each man a
single jicara of posol^ or of the po%ol mixed with cocoa, saying
a few words as he does this (No. 16).
It is the duty of every one to answer, Bai, yes. The assistant
then gives a similar gourd to the giver of the feast, who sits in
the middle (/, Fig. 33), and he is addressed with the same for-
mula as he, in his turn, had addressed to the others.
Each man offers the contents of his jicara in the first place to
the gods living in the four cardinal points by spattering a small
portion from the end of his spoon and chanting (No. 16).
As has been stated, it is one of the obligations of a feast that
every one shall eat and drink every particle of the offering con-
tained in the gourd given him by the leader. The inside of the
jicara is even cleaned by rubbing the hand around it, and the
spoon is treated in the same way until not a drop of the offering
remains unconsumed.
Usually no more than the immediate family take part in this
rite, and each of the male members has received a single gourd
of the posoL There still remain, therefore, in front of the hra-
seros many jiearas of the offering. From these a third adminis-
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RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 123
tration is made to the sacred alias with the same chant (No. 7).
These gourds are then distributed among the men by the leader,
and he is also given an equal number by the assistant in addition
to the one which had rested in front of the brasero of Usuknii at
the east of the ceremonial hut.
The men then carry their gourds of poBol which they cannot
drink outside the inclosure to their families, as there is no obli-
gation concerning any of the jicaras except the first. The men
return to the sacred hut again and drink what they had saved
out for themselves (PI. XXII, Fig. 1). On starting every new
gourd of the offering, the contents is spattered in the same way
as the first had been.
The posol remaining in the Jicaras after every one of the family
has had all he desires is poured back into the large alia where it
had been mixed, and this is consumed during the day and night.
During the progress of these rites, the people have no necessity
of preparing food other than the posol and the other offerings
directed by their religion.
At least twice during the time of manufacture of the new
braseros^ a more elaborate rite is performed before the old in-
cense-burners, consisting of an offering of baltie, boliwa, meat,
and fillets of bark* in addition to the regular offering oiposol
just described.
The po%ol rite comes as usual in the morning, and in the late
afternoon the other offerings are made. The rite often lasts far
into the night.
The name of the principal food or drink offered in the cere-
mony is used roughly to designate the rite. Baltie is the offering
most favored by the gods. This is a fermented drink made from
the bark of a tree called baltie (Spanish pitarilla^^ mixed with
wild honey or sugar cane and water.^ The honey employed
^ See list of offerings made to the gods, note, p. 102.
« Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXII, p. 122 : ** Y que hazen el vino de miel y agua, y
cierta raiz de un arbol que para esto criavan con lo qual se hazia el vino f uerte y
muy hediondo."
Cf . also Aguila, 1639, p. 17 : ^* Los Indios naturales dessa Nueva-Espafla bazen
an cierto vino que se llama Pulque, en lo quae dizque en los tiempos que hazen
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
124 MAYA8 AND LACAND0NE8
is usually gathered in the forest; but in some instances, where
special devotion is desired, hollow logs are placed in one corner
of the sacred hut, and into this the bees deposit their honey,
which is afterwards used in making the ceremonial drink. The
honey thus made is never used by the people with their daily
food, as this would be considered a sacrilegious act. This
collection of honey in hollow logs made for the purpose is com-
mon among the Mayas, although it has lost its ceremonial sig-
nificance. Among the latter people the god of the bees is
called Kananholkan, the keeper of the door of the sky.
In appearance the baltie is milky white, sour to the smell,
and at first very disagreeable to the taste. It contains a small
per cent of alcohol, as it is allowed to ferment. Drunkenness,
the desired result, is obtained by drinking large quantities.^
The early accounts speak of this custom of drinking large
quantities of baltie as most healthful, and that after the com-
mon use of it was prohibited by the Spaniards, the natives
suffered in consequence.*
Owing to the necessity of fermentation, the baitfte must be
SOS fiestas, y en todo el mas tierapo del afio echan una raiz, que ellos siebran
para efeto de echar en el dicho vino, y para le fortificar, y tomar mas sabor en
ello, con el qnal se emborracban ; y assi emborracbados bazen sus ceremonias,
y sacrificios, que sollan bazer antiguamente.*'
iCt Villagutierre, Bk. VIII, Chap. XII, p. 498 : "Los varones . . . gastavan
lo mas de el tiempo en idolatrar, baylar, y emborraobarse, k todas boras, y tiem-
pos con los fuertes Brebages, que saben confecoionar."
Cf. also '*Relaci6n de Dohot, y Cabecera de Tetzimin," Vol. XIII, p. 207:
** Hazian un vino da agua e myel y bechavan una rrayz que llaman balcbe en su
lengua y becbavanlo en unos vassos de palo a menera de artesas grandes que
bazian a treynta e quarenta e a cinquenta arrobas de agua e cocia e hervia alii
dos dias ello solo por si e baziase una cosa muy fuerte y que olia mal, y en sus
bayles andando baylando les y van dando desto a bever en unos vasitos pequefios
y a menudo, y en breve espacio se emborracbavan/'
a Cf. " Relaci6n de la Ciudad. de Valladolid," 1900, Vol. XHI, p. 28 : " Este
vino dicen les causaba sanidad porque con el se purgaban los cuerpos y lanzaban
por la boca mucbas lombrices, criabanse robustos y los viejos vivian mucbo
tiempo y frescos."
Cf. also **Relaci6n de Tequite," 1900, Vol. XI, p. 106: "No biben tanto
agora porque los rreligiosos les an quitado esta custunbre y esto a sido muy
dafioso para sus saludes aberselo quitado dizen los rreligiosos que se embo-
rachaban con este bino sobredicbo.**
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RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 125
made before the day set for the rite to come off. A large
supply of the bark of the tree is collected and placed in one
of the hollow logs made for the purpose and situated at the
east of the sacred hut (j, Fig. 33). In the second hollow
log (/?, Fig. 33) a quantity of honey or, if this is lacking, a
large supply of sugar cane together with water is placed. If
the sugar cane is used, the whole is pounded until the juice is
extracted (PI. XXII, Fig. 2). The sirup is then strained and
poured into the log containing the baltie bark. The log is
left uncovered (PI. XXII, Fig. 3) and the contents allowed to
ferment, sometimes for not more than a single day. After the
fermentation has gone far enough, parallel sticks are laid across
the log and on these palm leaves are laid. The rain must in no
way reach the contents of the log. A chant is made before the
open log during the process of the fermentation (No. 17).
A few hours before the rite is to begin in which the baltie
is to be offered to the gods, a bit of copal is burned in a piece
of bark directly in front of the log. Five grains of corn are
heated in the fire of the burning copcU^ and a prayer is made
(No. 18), asking the gods to free the baltie from the evil effects,
as regards health and comfort, produced by drinking it.
Preceding the opening of the rite, there is also prepared, on
a flat and thin board (batatie) (PI. XXIII, Fig. 1) with a handle
on one side, what I have called nodules of copal (PI. XXIV,
Fig. 3). In one case there were eighty of these arranged in
ten parallel rows of eight each. They are of two
forms as representing the two sexes, and they are
offered in place of men and women in order to carry
out the demands of the rites. Those representing
men are bidden to go out into the forests and pro- fio. 35.
cure game for the gods, and those representing Top of male
- , . -I ,1 T 1 nodule of copoZ.
women are supposed to grind the com and make
the different offerings presented to the gods. These nodules
are made first in the form of a truncated cone by the aid of
paddles of wood. Those male in sex are fashioned by placing
a small ball of copal in the center of the flattened top of the
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
126
MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
cone and then completely surrounding this with eight other
small and round bits of copal (Figs. 36 and 36). The female
nodules (Fig. 37) are made by placing three flattened round
disks of the gum, one on top of the other, on the flattened top
of the nodule. The significance of these sexual characteristics
is not clear. Five of the ten rows on the board are male in sex
and five fen»''i. They are arranged alternately.
Fio. 36. Fig. 37.
Copal nodules used by the Lacandones.
Plate XXIII, Figs. 2 and 3, shows balls of copal found in Yu-
catan and with little doubt a remnant of the former culture of the
Mayas. They are painted
with a greenish blue color.
In the general shape and
size and in the arrangement
of the bits of gum incrusting
the top, there is a striking
similarity to the male nodule
(Fig. 36) ofiEered at the
present time to the gods of
the Lacandones.
Large masses of the gum
in low bowls have been
found in connection with archaeological work in Yucatan. On
the top of many of these offerings of incense the gum is
Fio. 38.
Dres. 11, b.
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RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES
127
arranged in the same checkered fashion as on the smaller
nodules.^
In front of several of the nodules of copals as arranged on
the flat board, there is placed a crude resemblance to a human
figure made of the gum of the
wild rubber tree. There seems to
be no general plan of the position
of the nodules before which the
figures are placed, nor is there any
distinction in the figures them-
selves as to sex. Rubber in a
crude form is a frequent offering
of the Lacandones.* It is often Fig. 39.
mixed with the copal and both Tro-Cort. 102, b.
placed in a rough mass in the incense-burners. Balls of rubber
are often found embedded in the ancient masses of copal found
in excavations, so that here again we find survivals of ancient
materials and forms.
The copal nodules arranged on the
board are called sn, a gift.^ This is the
same name given to the braseritoa which
are made at the same time as the new
hraseros and form a part of the renewal
rite. Both are designated as to sex, and
both are used in the light of servants to
aid the gods in carrying out the de-
mands made upon them by the giver of
the feast.
As soon as the nodules have been made and arranged as de-
scribed on the board, a small piece of copal^ resting on a bit of
bark, is burned and waved in the air over the nodules. This
is to purify them and cause them to assume consciousness as
1 Cf. Fig. 38, from the Dresden Codex, which may show these bowls of copal.
2 Cf . Fig. 39, from the Tro-Cortesianus, which may show a skirted figure
gathering the sap from a rubber tree.
' The Spanish word gente^ people, is given both to the nodules and to the
hraseritos.
Fig. 40.
Tro-Cort. 62, a.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
128 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
shown by the chant (No. 19). The board is then put aside to
be used later in the celebration of the rite.
The jar described as facing the line of ollaa and resting on
the carpet of leaves (PI. XXIV, Fig. 2) is filled with balUe
contained in the hollow log.^ A loosely woven cloth is used
as a strainer to keep the liquid free of pieces of the baltie bark.
Vessels made of the shell of a kind of squash and filled with
an offering of boUwa are next brought in and placed in front
of the line of braseros.^
Buliwa^ is a square and flat tamale made of corn and frejoles
and folded in a palm leaf. These form one of the common
offerings to the gods.
At this time there is also brought in from the adjoining
shelter a single jicara containing a paste made of ground cocoa
berries. The board of nodules finds a place in the middle
resting on two of the dishes containing buliwa (as in the rite
shown in/, Fig. 33). The handle points to the south and it is
tied by a palm leaf to the other leaves on which the braseros
and the offerings rest. When the board is to be used, it is
carefully untied. At the north and south side of the board of
nodules there is an ear of corn. This is to guard the copal
from the evil spirits who might otherwise come and carry away
some of the nodules.
After these preparations have been completed, the wife of
the leader* enters the sacred hut with a wooden beater used in
beating the native chocolate to a froth. The gourd containing
the ground cocoa is handed her together with a single jicara of
posol which has been brought in. With the beater she makes
a thick foam of the posol and cocoa, a part of which she places
in each of the jicaras gathered around the jar (g, Fig. 33), as
her husband fills them with the baltie contained in the jar.
1 Figure 40, p. 127, may show one of these jars.
* The number of ollas of buliinra and meat varies. Thereis usually no more
than one vessel of each for each of the hraseros.
« More correctly it is written buuliwa from bunl, frejole, wa, tortilla.
^ If, as in many cajses, there is more than one wife, it is the oldest who
officiates.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 129
A gourd thus filled with the ceremonial drink and the foaming
cocoa is placed in front of each of the braseros to the ac-
companiment of a chant (No. 20).
This act exhausts the contents of the jar, which is again filled
from the hollow log. The wife beats up more cocoa, which she
places on the top of a second set of Jicaras as they are filled
with balUe. These are placed in front of the line of incense-
burners between them and the vessels containing the bollwa.
A third jicara containing balUe and the preparation of cocoa is
immediately given to each of the braseros^ and the same chant
is repeated as at the placing of the first and second set of
gourds.
Strips of bark pounded out thin over a log by means of
a grooved stick are a frequent oflfering to the gods (PL XIX,
Fig. 4). The bark is cut about an inch wide and soaked in
a mixture of water and the wood of the Palo mulatto (tiakai).
This gives a pinkish color to the strips. Several pieces of the
bark, cut about three feet long, are tied around the rims of the
braseros^ and a chant describing the act is given (No. 21). Each
of the strips seems to be placed in behalf of some one in the
encampment. A piece of the bark is also tied around the drum
and another around the neck of the jar containing baltie (PL
XXIV, Fig. 2).
Up to this time the gourds containing the ceremonial drink
have simply been placed in front of the line of brasero8. The
contents are now administered to the heads on the incense-
burners. The leader does this with a roll or cigarette made of
palm leaves, by dipping it into each of the gourds, after which
he places it on the lower lip of the brasero. He chants (No. 22)
during this operation.
He then takes an empty /iVara and partially fills it by dipping
the roll of leaves into all the gourds of baltie in front of the
braBero%, With the gourd thus filled, he goes to the east of the
sacred hut and spatters the contents from the end of the roll of
leaves into the air in the several directions where the gods are
thought to live. This is done in quite the same manner and
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
130 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
for the same purpose as the posol is thrown in the air in the rite
of the morning. The chant is also about the same (No. 23).
The braseros remaining on the shelf and the drum are also
fed from the jicara containing a few drops from the baltfte in
each of the gourds in front of the incense-burners.
To each man and boy who occupy seats around the leader,
a gourd of baltie is given from those around the jar. The
leader addresses (No. 24) each person as he stands over him
with a vessel of the liquid. The recipient answers him with a
set formula (No. 26). To the members of his family the
leader uses slightly dififerent words (No. 26). The latter then
takes his seat behind the jar of balUe (PI. XXIV, Fig. 1), and
his chief assistant arises and takes another Jicara from those
around the jar. This he places in the hands of the leader as
he utteiTS the same sentence as the other had given (No. 26)
before the members of his family.
Every one holds his gourd in both hands until the leader, by
dipping his fingers in the jicara given him, spatters a small parti-
cle of the baltie in the several directions. There is a short prayer
(No. 27) made at the time. After he has done this, the others
follow his example, and all drink the contents of their jicaraa.
The women of the encampment together with those who
have come from the neighboring settlements now enter the
inclosure and take their places at the northern or southern
sides of the sacred hut. The leader gives to each one a, jicara
of baltie filled directly from the jar, after having taken a sip
from each one. He chants (No. 24) as he has done before the
men. The women retire soon after with their gifts.
By this time the jar is empty and it is refilled again from the
log. From the gourds around the jar the hraseros are admin*
istered baltie, after which the leader blows the shell trumpet at
the east of the hut.
The vessels containing the bollwa are held up, two at a time,
by the leader,^ and offered to the gods in a chant (No. 28),
1 In one of the rites witnessed a single small gourd containing meat was
brought in at this time, and from this a small particle of meat was placed by
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8
131
JbiQ. 41.
Tro-Cort. 81, b.
which dififers greatly from those previously given in the mode
of its delivery. It is given much more slowly and there is
more rhythm. The words and syllables are joined together,
and others seem to be added to fill out the measure. It is very
difficult to give a satisfactory translation
of this slow chant.
The three jicaras of balUe in front of
each of the bra%eros have, up to this time,
remained untouched. They are now held
up, two at a time, and offered to the
gods. A chant, as usual, accompanies
this act (No. 29).
The board on which the nodules are
arranged is now taken up by the assist-
ant and pointed toward every one present. He repeats at the
same time a short formula (No. 30). He then takes the board
to the east of the hut (PI. XXIV, Fig. 3), where, holding it by
the handle, he extends it at arm^s
length to the east and also to the
south, the west, and the north. At
certain intervals he runs and faces
the hraseroB in the hut as he utters
a spirited chant (No. 31).^
During this act the drum is
Fio. 42. usually beaten by a boy, who sits
Tro-Cort. 101, c. qu the ground behind it and strikes
the head with the palms of his hands. The leader often sits at
this time at the northwest corner of the hut, singing softly to
the accompaniment of the ceremonial rattle, which he shakes^
the leader on the mouth of each of the braseros. The chant was the same as when
all the dishes of meat were brought in (No. 34). After the incense-bumers had
been administered to, a portion of the meat was thrown in the air at the east of
the hat, followed by an offering to the braseros on the shelf and to the drum.
^ Figures 41 and 42 may represent the boards of nodules, although this is not
at all certain. The knotted design in Fig. 42 is found upon some ancient shallow
bowls in which remains of copal were found.
* This is not an essential part of the rite. It is one of the ways in which the
leader shows his religious fervor.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
132 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
(Fig. 19, p. 76). The decoration on the rattle is made of holes
and lines of black and red paint. There is no set song or chant
used with it at this time.
While the assistant is at the east of the hut with the board of
copaly a second helper administers a potion of balUe to all the men
present from a single jicara containing a small quantity from
each of the gourds around the jar. The assistant then returns
to the hut with the board of nodules. In the same manner as at
the east of the hut, he points the board at each man present and
utters the same formula (No. 31). After he has pointed it,
furthermore, in the several directions in the air, he stands be-
fore the line of braseroa and the rows of ofiferings and chants
(No. 32). The prayer is slow and dignified and is the same in
character as that given when the vessels of bollwa are offered.
During the preceding chant, a second potion from the single
gourd of balUe is given to the leader and the other male partici-
pants in the rite.
At the conclusion of the slow chant with the copal nodules,
the braseros are again administered baltse from that contained
in the jicaras around the jar. The chant (No. 22) is the same
as at the previous occasions when baltie was placed on the lips
of the incense-burners. A Jicara is also taken to the east, where
some of the contents is spattered in the several directions in
which the gods live. The head on the drum and the braseros
on the shelf are also finally fed.
The leader than takes the board of copal and goes to the
western side of the line of braaeros. With a stick moistened in
baltie, he removes from the board one by one the nodules of th^
gum and distributes them in the bowls of the incense-burners.
He places some in the center of each olla^ after holding each one
for a moment before the mouth of the figure on the bowl in
which it is to rest. Much partiality is shown in this distribu-
tion. The braseros of the most important of the gods receive
five or six of the nodules, whereas those of some of the less im-
portant deities receive only one or two. A chant (No. 88) is
given during this operation.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 138
The leader now brings from the adjoining hut, where all the
offerings are prepared, dishes or olios filled with the roasted
meat of a monkey (PI. XXV, Fig. 1), placing them at first in
front of the olios of boliwa. Afterwards he holds up each dish
in turn as he chants (No. 84).
After the large dishes of meat have thus been placed before
the broseros^ the jar is again filled from the reservoir of baltie
in the hollow log and brought back to its place. At each refill-
ing of the jar there must be a consecration of its contents to the
gods before any can be distributed among those present. So it
follows that an administration of this new baltie must be made
(Chant No. 22). This time some of the foamed cocoa is added
to the jicoros as they are filled with baltie. Some of the con-
tents of every new jar of the liquid must also be spattered at the
east of the hut, as well as offered to the drum and the braseros
on the shelf. ^
After the baltie in the jar has thus been consecrated by an of-
fering to the sacred ollos^ a libation to the east, to the braseros
on the shelf, and to the drum, jtcaras are filled and distributed
by the leader to all those present. As each person receives his
gourd a short prayer is said as before (No. 24). The leader is
given his baltie by the assistant, and it is the latter who spatters
a particle with his fingers toward the several points of the com-
pass where the gods are supposed to reside.
After a considerable period of drinking, in which many of the
gourds are refilled from the jar, new fire is kindled by the leader
and his assistant working together (PI. XXV, Fig. 2). This
is done by the simple " two-stick " method, the wooden drill
twisted between the palms and revolving in the notch of a hori-
zontal stick of softer wood. The lower stick or " hearth " has
1 At this point the assistant sometimes fills a jicara with the liquid from the
jar and, with a smaller one, he dips out a little and administers it to the leader,
saying at the same time a few words (No. 35), which are answered. The giver
of the feast then takes the gourd of baltie together with the smaller one and re^
peats the act with all those present. This rite is only another way of conse-
crating the baltfte in the jar by taking a part for the whole. This takes the
place of offering it to the gods on the end of the roll of leaves.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
134 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
no gutter running from the notch to the edge, as is often the
case in this form of fire-drill. By friction the tinder, placed
beneath the horizontal stick, is heated and finally kindled.
Among the Lacandones the tinder consists of shavings of log-
wood resting in a corn husk. As soon as the fire is kindled,
it is handed to the wife, who enters at this time and whose duty
it is to light, by means of it, the wood already prepared. This
whole ceremony of making new fire finds an interesting parallel
in several of the rites mentioned by Landa. Burning of copal
and the offering of food are also the common features in the
early ceremonies of the Mayas.^
During the operation of making the new fire, the leader hands
to his assistant two palm leaves and to every other man and boy
present a single leaf. In the camp fire kindled by the wife, the
leader then lights two pine sticks and with these he sets fire to
the nodules of copal in the incense-burners. During this opera-
tion every one turns his back to the altar where it is being done.
The bands of colored bark are taken from around the rim of the
sacred ollas and placed in the palm leaves behind during the
burning of the copal.
The leader, closely followed by the assistant and then by all
the others, goes behind and to the western side of the row of
braseroB. Holding the palm leaves in the smoke of the incense,
they all chant (No.l3) as at a similar time during the offering
of posoL The assistant administers a potion of baltse in a
small jicara to the men and boys as they are thus engaged.
After the fires have begun to die out in the braseros^ each
leaves the inclosure and goes to the domestic hut, where the
rite over the family is carried out as described before (p. 121).
After the more personal rite has been performed over the
1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XL; p. 300 : " Y abaxo en el patio tendian todos cada
uno BUS idolos sobre hojas de arboles que para ello avia, y sacada lumbre nueva,
comengavan a quemar en macbas partes de su encienso, y a hazer ofrendas de
comidaa guisadas.**
Also ibid., Cbap. XL, p. 280 : ** Comen^avan todos bus oraciones devotas y los
chaces sacavan lumbre nueva ; quemavan el encienso al demonio y el sacerdote
commen^va a echar su encienso en el brasero."
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RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 135
members of the families of the participants, the men return to
the sacred hut, and the low shallow vessels containing the meat
are offered to the gods by the leader. He stands facing the
braseros as he recites a chant (No. 36), which in character is
the same as that offered when the board of nodules is presented
to the gods. It is slow, dignified, and measured, and there seems
to be even a greater disregard for grammatical structure than
in the ordinary chants. It is impossible to obtain equivalents
for many of the words. They are probably terms whose mean-
ing has long been lost.
The different offerings still remain to be administered (p. 121).
The leader places a particle of the meat and a pinch from the
middle (oubuliwa) of some of the tamales on the lip or mouth
of each of the clay heads on the braseroa^ paying, as usual,
special attention to the alias of the most important of the gods
by giving them the offering several times. Taking a small
particle of corn from the middle of two or three of the buliwa
in each dish seems to consecrate all the contents of the vessels.
The leader recites a chant (No. 37) throughout this whole rite.
At the conclusion of giving the offering to the braseros in
behalf of the gods, the leader takes a particle from one of the
tamales and a small portion of meat and gives this part of the
offering to the brasero of Usakim at the east of the sacred
hut. The leader next throws a minute portion of the combi-
nation of the meat and the buliwa into the air at the east of
the inclosure. The other points of the compass also receive an
offering. The chant (No. 38) is the same as that given when
the baltie is thrown into the air at the east of the house.
The heads on the sacred alias are still again and for the last
time fed with the baltie from the end of the palm leaves.
The chant (No. 22) is the same as before. A jicara of the
liquid is given to each of the men present. Each is invited to
drink (No. 24) by the leader, and they all spatter a portion of
the baltse as an offering to the gods before they drink any.
After the gourds given to the participants are emptied, they
are refilled by the leader from the jar in front of him. No
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186
MAYA8 AND LACAND0NE8
order seems now to be observed in the drinking. Some drink
jicara after jicara almost without stopping. Every one, with
the exception of a few of the women, seems to think it his duty
to become intoxicated.^ The younger boys are no exception to
the rule. Many are naturally sick, but this seems only to be a
reason for drinking more. There is no disorder as might be
expected. Every one goes about it in a most solemn manner
as a religious duty to perform. Those intoxicated sing and
Fig. 43.
Tro-Cort. »5, a.
dance a little, but there is no quarreling. This is explained by
the fact that the gods are said to dislike anything of the sort.
At this time, when in a state of intoxication and as an act es-
pecially pleasing to the gods, the ear is sometimes pierced with
a stone arrow point and the blood allowed to drip down upon
the braseroa containing the idols. This custom seems to be
dying out, as it is only the oldest men who carry it out. It
was a common practice among both the early Nahuas and Mayas
to draw blood from various parts of the body, but more espe-
cially from the ear.^
1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXVII, p. 226 : ** Se juntavan a hazer sacrificios y
offrendas al demonio, y a bazer una solemne borachera todos ; ca era fiesta gen-
eral y obligatoria."
Also ibid., Chap. XL, p. 266: ^^ Alia tenian gran fiesta, y en ello se embor-
achavan los sefiores y sacerdotes, y las principales/'
Margil, 1696, refers to the compulsory drunkenness.
« Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXVIII, p. 232 : ** Despues de hecho toda braza, la
allanavan y tendian muy tendida y juntos los que avian bailado, avia algunos
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RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 137
In addition to the obligatory drunkenness and the piercing
of the ear, there is another act sometimes performed by the
Lacandones of the present time and clearly a survival. If the
natives are in a state of suflScient zeal and ecstasy, they place
their bodies over the burning copal as they
ofifer up their chants to the gods.^
After the drinking has kept up for
some time, the acts of the ceremony are
again taken up. The shallow dishes of
bollwa and the ollaa of meat are now dis-
tributed among the men and boys present.
There is a short formula (No. 39) given
at the time. The leader now exchanges a
tamale from those in front of him with p^^ ^
every other person, and the others do the Tro-Ck)rt. 109, a.
same with each other so that every man has a tamale from
the dish of every other person. The meat is not divided in
this way.
que Be ponian a passar descal^os y desnudos corao ellos andavan por encima de
aqnella braza de una parte a otra y passavan algunos sin lesion, otros abra9adoB,
y otros medio qaemados, y en esto creian estava el remedio de sus miserias y naloe
agueros, y pensavan era este su servicio muy agradable a sus dioses.'*
Also ibid,, Chap. XXVIII, p. 160 : " Que hazian sacrificios con propia sangre
Unas vezes, cortandose las (orejas) a la reconda por peda^os y alii los dexavan
ensenal.'*
Ibid., Chap. XXXV, p. 214 : " Otros derramavan sangre, cortandose las orejas,
y untando con ella una piedra que alii tenian de un demonio Kanal-Acantuu/'
Ibid., Chap. XL, p. 808: *^ metian consque se sajar o sacar sangre de las orejas.**
Cf. Aguilar, 1639, p. 81.
Mrs. Nuttall, 1904, treats the subject of blood offering in Mexico exhaustively.
She gives a group of figui-es from the Maya Codex, Tro-Cortesianus (p. 95),
which I reproduce (Fig. 43). There are three men and one woman in the act
of piercing the ear with a stone knife and allowing the blood to stream down
into what seem to be bowls. Mrs. Nuttall calls to mind the fact that Landa
states that the women did not make blood offering, and yet here we find one
pictured as carrying out this act of devotion.
1 Cf.** Relacion de Valladolid," 1900, Vol. XIII, p. 27 : ** Y por todas cuatro
partes del f uego hacia sus cirimonias y rociaba con el las brasas, y luego man-
daba 1e quitasen los alpargatas y entraba por encima de la braza rociando, y tras
el toda la procesion de yndios, y pasaba este alquin sin se hacer mal alguno.**
Figure 44 indicates drunkenness according to Fiirstemann (1902, p. 149).
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188 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
Before eating any of the offering, the contents of each vessel
is further consecrated by throwing a particle of the meat and
of the bullwa into the air to the four cardinal points to the ac-
companiment of a short prayer (No. 40).
After this, the wives and children join the men in the sacred
hut and a general feasting begins.^
If any baltie still remains in the hollow log, it must be con-
sumed before the rite is declared ended. In such a case the
jar is refilled and from this jicara a,{teTjicara is filled and given
to the participants. This is carried out until there is no more
baltie remaining in the log, the jar, or the jicaras. The rite
then ends.
The bands of fiber bark which have been replaced around
the edge of the braseros after the copal had burned out remain
in the same position during the night. In the morning they
are taken off by the leader and tied around the foreheads of
the participants of the rite (PI. XXVI, Fig. 1). These are
worn for the remainder of the day.
This rite of offering baltie, bullwa, meat, and the bark fillets
is a very common one among the Lacandones. It is celebrated
not only in behalf of the old incense-burners which are about to
be superseded, but it is also undertaken before the new hra%ero9,
and .at frequent intervals throughout the year. There are
many variations in minor details, but there is a general order
to the succession of the different acts.
On the day when the new incense-burners are completed
there is an offering of po%ol made to the old braseros both in the
morning and again in the afternoon. The rite does not differ
from that described (p. 118) as taking place daily during the
manufacture of the new alias. The chants (No. 41) alone
differ slightly.
Towards evening of this last day the new braaeros and the
smaller olios or braseritos used in carrying out the rite of
installation are brought into the sacred hut from the shelter in
1 Cf . Landa, 1864, Chap. XL, p. 280 : ** Despues deste saumerio comian entr^
todos las dones y presentee y andava el vino, haste que se hazian unas unas.**
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BELIQION OF THE LAGAN DONE8
139
Pio. 45.
Tro-Cort. 61, b.
the fields where they have been made.^ There is a brasero to
replace each of those which are supposed to die at this time.^
There seems to be no fixed rule concerning the number of
braseritos^ to be made and used in the rite.
This seems to depend on the time at the dis-
posal of those who give the feast, upon their
inclination in the matter as regards the ne-
cessity of propitiating the gods, and on the
dtate of the harvest.
The old braseros are filled to overflowing
with the remains of the copal burned in all
the previous rites of the year.*
All vestiges of the colors of
the former decoration have
long since vanished, and they
appear as blackened masses of burned pitch (PI.
XX, Fig. 8) which almost covers the formerly
w;ell-defined head on the edge of the bowl. All
this copal ash is carefully removed and the stone
idol resting on the bottom is extracted. This
is all done to the accompaniment of a chant (No. 42). These
idols are regarded with the greatest possible reverence, and as
1 Figure 45 may show the bringing in of the new braseros wrapped up in
palm leaves.
> In one of the two renewal ceremonies witnessed, in addition to the seven
large braseroB made to replace the seven of the encampment, there were two
others representing Aqantiob and Tumkanasabak. Thus these two gods
had two sets of braseros consecrated in the rite, one set belonging to those of the
encampment where the ceremony was being carried out and the other to the
braseros of another settlement. It was in this second camp that the nephew
resided, the son of the oldest brother who was dead, and the two extra braseros
were for him, as in this latter settlement there was no renewal rite performed
that year. Two of the old braseros with their idols, representing Aqantiob
and Tumkanasabak, had been brought over to the former camp and here the
incense-burners had been renewed and consecrated in the rites.
* For the number of braseritos made in the ceremonies witnessed, see p. 107.
* Figure 46 may show the incense-burner containing the idol, which is com-
pletely covered with the remains of the copal. In this case the head of God C,
according to FQrstemann^s designation, would possibly be the idol, and the scroll
figure on the upper part of the bowl would stand for the face on the brasero.
Fio. 46.
Tro-Ckirt. 96, c.
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140
MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
they are taken out they are laid on pahn leaves. It is at thia
time that the old braseros are given a last offering of posol^ each
from a separate shell of the cocoa bean. These old incense-
burners are then placed in a
group at the western side of the
hut with their heads facing the
west (n, Fig. 33, p. 112) and a
shell of the cocoa bean over each
one. Thus they die, and each
is superseded by a new olla.
The stone idols remain rest-
ing on the leaves all night.
Early the next morning an offer-
ing of baltie is made to the new
braseros^ which have been placed
in the position formerly occu-
pied by the old incense-bowls
(a, Fig. 33) and with the heads
facing the east. The braseritos
are arranged in lines in front of
the row of the large incense-burners. The heads of those in
the smaller class also face the east (J, 6, 6, Fig. 33, and PL
XXVI, Fig. 2). As the assistant
places the offering of baltie on the
mouth of the brasero^ the leader de-
posits the stone idol of the respective
incense-burners in the bowl and it is
immediately covered with copal (Chant
No. 43). The regular rite of offering
baltie, meat, buUwa, and fillets of bark
is then undertaken in the same way as
described (pp. 123-138).i
The board of nodules is prepared and distributed among
the braseritos as well as among the larger olios* Each of the
1 Figure 47 may represent the offering of meat and Fig. 48 of com to the new
incense-burners. The shelter is clearly shown in Fig-w 48.
Fio. 47.
Tro-Cort. 65, a.
Fio. 48.
Tro-Cort. 97, a.
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RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 141
smaller incense-burners also receives a part of every offering.
Tlie braseroB naturally have most of the attention in the rites.
They each receive sometimes as many as seven or eight of the
nodules of copal^ whereas the braseritos do not obtain more
than one or two.
The chants in each case, as has been explained, designate
whether the inferior god represented by the braserito is to give
the offering directly to the main god whose servant he is and
for the use of the god in question (atmii), or for this main god
to restore the offering in turn to Nohotiakymn.
In addition to the usual offerings made at this time, there is
a gift of achiote. The berry is ground and mixed with water,
making a vivid red paint. A small gourd containing this mix-
ture is brought in and placed in front of the rows of incense-
burners directly after the nodules of copcU have been taken
from the board and distributed in the bowls of the several alias.
After the copal is lighted, the leader places a spot of the achiote
with his fingers on the chin of each of the braseros and braseritos
and a similar spot on the forehead of each. The head on the
drum, the ollas on the shelf, and that of Usnkim at the east of
the hut are treated in the same way. The two round circles
on the logs containing the baltie are renewed with the paint, as
are also the circles on the two western supports of the house.
The red lines on the rattle and on the ceremonial oboe are
repainted. The leader then has a spot of red painted on his
forehead and another on his chin similar to those placed on
the heads of the sacred alias. Two lines are also painted
around the wrists and ankles of the leader. His pancJia is
dotted over with the achiote (PI. XXVI, Fig. 1) in addition
to the other decoration. Finally all the other men, fol-
lowed by the women, have their faces marked in the same
way as that of the leader, and their ponchos are spotted with
the red. The leader alone has the lines around the arm and
leg. There is no chant accompanying this operation of
painting.
On the day following the substitution of the new ollas^ they
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
142 MAYAS AND LACANDONE8
are given an offering of poaol similar in all respects excepting
the chant (No. 44) to the previous daily rites when posol is
offered to the old brasero% (p. 118).
On the third day in the life of the new incense-burners, a
rite differing in some part from that performed on the first day
(p. 138) is undertaken. Owing to a few details which are
new, it may be well to review briefly the different acts in the
rite performed on this day.
Baltie is made in advance and purified by burning incense
and heating the grains of com beside the log.
Early in the morning of this third day, earthen dishes con-
taining tamales made simply of corn (norwa) are placed in
front of the lines of incense-burners, both large and small.
The jar is filled with baltie and from this thirteen jicaras
are filled and placed on the altar of leaves (PI. XXVII, Fig. 1).
The leader in his chant designates which jicara shall go in
front of each brasero and whether it is for the god himself or
to be carried by him to Nohotiakyum. The shell trumpet is
then blown and the jar refilled.
Six more gourds are furnished with baltie and, with a rolled
leaf, a particle is taken from each of the jicaras and placed in a
single gourd from which all the incense-burners are fed. The
chant is the same as at the previous rite (No. 44), with the ex-
ception of the words addressed to each of the braseritos (No. 45).
The olla of Usakun at the east of the hut and those of the gods
not taking part in the ceremony on the shelf are also given an
offering of the ceremonial drink.
The nodules of copal prepared in advance are sprinkled with
the baltie, and an offering of the drink is held up to the head
represented by a few red lines on the ceremonial jar. A short
formula is said at this time (No. 46).
The Jicaras around the jar are distributed to those present,
who chant (No. 27) and spatter a small portion of the contents
before drinking.
The first of the tobacco of the year is used in making an
offering of cigars. Each is lighted in the new fire, held for a
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 143
moment in front of the mouth of one of the sacred ollas ^ (Chant
No. 47), and finally leaned up against the head of the incense-
burner to which it has been offered (PL XXI, Fig. 1). Every
product of the field must thus first be offered to the gods before
it can be serviceable for common use.
The braseros and braseritos are again administered baltie, after
which the leader sprinkles the lines of ollas with the liquid.
A short chant is made at the same time (No. 28).
Each man present is now given a second jicara of baltie from
those around the jar, for his own consumption.
A slow chant (No. 29) is repeated as the heads of the incense-
burners are fed still again, and the jicaras around the jar are
distributed a third time to the par-
ticipants in the rite. The ollas are
fed again from new gourds filled
with baltie from the jar.
Jicaras of posol are next brought
in and offered to the gods. The
leader and his eldest son do this at
the same time, each holding a gourd
in each hand (Chant No. 68). The
tamales of corn and the posol offered
at this time are made from the first Tro-Cort 88 b
corn of the year.
A potion of baltie from the gourds around the jar is given
to the braseros and braseritos. The first set of jicaras placed
on the altar of leaves still remain untouched. The brasero of
Usakun and those on the shelf are not neglected in this re-
peated offering of baltie from the jar.
The leader, sitting behind the jar, repeats a slow chant
(No. 29) as he dips the cigarette of leaves in the several yt(?ara«
around the jar. With this roll he administers the liquid to the
heads on the sacred ollas.
A single gourd of baltie under which are two palm leaves
1 Of. Fig. 49, where a god is sitting upon the sign of the earth (caban) and
smoking.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
144 MAYAS AND LACANDONE8
crossed at right angles is placed in the hands of the leader^.
He chants (No. 27) as the assistant spatters part of the con-
tents with his fingers, and drinks.
The board of nodules is now offered at the east side of the
hut as in previous rite. The bands of bark are taken from a
large earthen olla^ where they have been colored, and are hung
in front of the rows of sacred vessels.
The board is next offered to the braseros inside the hut after
being pointed to every one present. The chant is the same as
before (No. 32). The bands of colored bark are now placed
around the rims of the incense-burners. Each of the braseros
has at least one of the fillets, and the braseritoa have the bands
stretching across their heads, one strip serving for three or four
of the smaller class of oUa8. A band is tied around the drum,
and the braaero of Usukun also receives a fillet.
The nodules of copal are next distributed in the bowls of the
incense-burners (Chant No. 38). The offerings of baltie are
repeated until there is none remaining in the jar or in the
hollow log.
Palm leaves are now given to each one present, and a new
fire is made with which to light the copal in the incense-burners.
During the burning of the incense, the bands of bark are laid
at one side.
At the same time as the copal is being lighted, the different
olios are being painted, with the achiote^ together with the drum
and the rattle. The leader and the others present are also
painted in the same way as in a previous rite (p. 141).
The one who gives the feast closely followed by the other
men, and the boys old enough, now approach the blazing olla%
and hold their leaves in the smoke as they recite a prayer
(No. 13).
Seven earthen dishes of cooked frejoles are now brought in
and placed in front of the other offerings before the incense-
burners. This is done without chanting. The gift is then
offered by holding each dish up and making a prayer (No. 49).
The corn tamales which were brought in at the very beginning
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
BELIQION OF THE LACANDONE8 145
of the rite are also offered to the gods with the same chant.
The frejoleB as well as the corn of the tamcUes are the first of
the season. This whole renewal ceremony might well be called
an offering of the first fruits, as it is always held at the time of
year when the tobacco, corn, smdfrejoles are beginning to ripen.
The tamales and the frejoles^ after being placed and offered,
are next ready to be administered to the different braseros and
braseritos in behalf respectively of the gods and the lesser spir-
its whom they represent. A small particle is taken from one
or two tamales in each dish and a few beans from each vessel.
The joint offering is then placed on the mouth of each of the
incense-burners (Chant No. 50).
The first set of jicaras of baltie remaining before the sacred
ollas^ together with the dishes of tamales and freJoleSy are now
distributed among the men present. Each exchanges a portion
of the contents of each dish with each of the others, and, after
the usual consecration of a portion to the gods, a* general feast-
ing begins.
The bands of bark and the cigars remain before the sacred
ollas until morning, when they are distributed. The men wear
the fillets and smoke the cigars (Fig. 49).
On the fourth day in the life of the new braseros^ an offering
of posol is made. Into each jicara of the drink as it is being
made there is added a ball of corn, ground and roasted. Such
an offering is called s&kha. The rite differs in no way from
the regular jt>o«oZ ceremony previously described (p. 118).
On the fifth day, posol of the usual kind is offered to the gods.
Cocoa berries are ground, and a part of the ground cocoa is
added to each jicara of the posol and the whole frothed by the
wooden beater.
The sixth day is marked by an offering of posol with the balls
of roasted com, the same kind of gift as is given on the fourth
day.
On the seventh and final day of the ceremony of consecrating
the new incense-burners, the offering of posol and cocoa is made
in the exact order as in all the other rites in which posol is given
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
146 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
to the gods. At the conclusion of the act, when the Jiearas
of posol have been distributed to those present, the leader stands
behind the assistant and each of the others and repeats a for-
mula (No. 15). The assistant then says the same words behind
the leader. This simple act is really the end of the ceremony.
Nothing more remains to be done but to place the incense-
burners in the places on the shelf formerly occupied by the old
braseros when there was no rite in progress. The seven new
and freshly painted alias are, accordingly, deposited on the
shelf in two rows. The braseritoa are placed on a shelf at the
northwest corner of the hut until there is opportunity to carry
them and deposit them in their final resting-place together with
the old and dead braseros. Great care is observed in placing
the alias on the shelves. The heads of the bowls are never for
an instant turned in any other direction than toward the east.
The alia with the projecting arm is wrapped in a banana leaf and
tied with a band of the colored bark. All the palm leaves on
which the incense-burners rest during the progress of the rites
are gathered up into a pile with the stems pointing toward the
south. The ground on which the seven alias of the main gods
have rested is swept with the utmost care, and every particle of
copal ash fallen on the leaves is collected and made into a
bundle. The leaves and sweepings are carried and deposited
on a pile (tftak) at the north of the sacred hut containing all-
the refuse from the ceremonies for years past.^
On the day following the last offering of the consecration
rites, the old and dead incense-burners of the previous year,
which for the past seven days have remained undisturbed at
the western side of the hut, are carefully placed in carrying nets,
together with the alia with the projecting arm, and the earthen
drum, which is also considered to be dead. The men then
take these nets, with their contents, on their backs (PI. XXVII,
Fig. 2) and go to a cliff a short distance to the west of the
encampment. Here they leave the dead braseras at the bot-
^ Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XL, p. 278 : ** Varrian siis casas y la vasura y estoe
peltrechos viejos echavanlo fuera del pueblo al muladar y oadie . . . tocava a ello/'
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
UELIQION OF THE LACANB0NE8 147
torn of a large mass of rocks and place the olla with the project-
ing arm above the others on a higher part of the ledge. These
incense-burners have ceased to be of service, and their places
have been taken by the new braseros containing the stone idols
taken from the former. Travelers who report finds of incense-
vessels may well have happened to find these depositing places
of the old and dead alias, deprived of the idols they once had.
There is no chanting when this final act is carried out.
The braseritos used in the consecration rite are taken in the
same way to a place on the shore of Lake Petha, where they are
also hidden under a cliff.^
With this act the ceremony is over and the men turn their
attention to making the new fields for the next crop. The new
braseros have been installed, and when they are not in use in
any of the rites, they remain on the suspended shelf. There is
no more occasion therefore for the men sleeping in the sacred
hut as was necessary when the braseros and all the smaller alias
remained constantly^ day and night, upon the altar of palm
leaves.
It must not be supposed that, now that the installation of the
new incense-bumers with their idols has been completed and
the old ones disposed of, there is an end for a time to the rites.
The new braseras are used in the performance of ceremonies at
very frequent intervals.
When any long journey is to be undertaken, the gods are
first of all appealed to. A board of nodules of capal is made
and purified as has been described (p. 125). This is offered
in a slow chant (No. 82) to the gods, and the nodules are then
distributed in the braseras of certain of the gods known to be
well disposed toward the undertaking. This is ascertained by
one of the acts of divination (p. 99). One of the men chants
(No. 51) over the smoke of the burning capal as he waves the
regular bundle of palm leaves. If the person who is to make
1 Each settlement probably has a special place of its own where the dead
braseros are deposited.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
148 MATA8 AND LACAND0NE8
the journey is a woman, the man carries the leaves to the do-
mestic hut, where the woman is waiting. He chants (No. 51)
over her as he taps her feet with the leaves. In some instances
a more elaborate rite is undertaken at this time. Posol is made
and offered in addition to the gift of incense.
The simple burning of rough pieces of copal in the braseros
may be undertaken in order to invigorate some leaves to be
used in curing some simple ailment.
As has been stated (p. 81), the Lacandones are in the habit
of making pilgrimages to the spots where they believe their
gods to live. These journeys are not uncommon to the homes
of gods whose dwellings are in the neighborhood of the encamp-
ment in question. The people living near Lake Petha are in
the habit of visiting the shrine of the god loananohqu, who lives
in an immense cliflf on the shore of the lake. These trips are
undertaken from a spirit of devotion to the god and a desire
for protection from the evils of the spiritual world, which this
god is able to grant. As will be seen from the nature of the
chants used in the rites of the Lacandones, there is, in addition,
the idea of thankfulness for past and present favors.
Inasmuch as one of these pilgrimages was witnessed, it may
be well to describe it in detail. The start was made from the
encampment about five in the morning. The father of the
family led the way along the narrow trail. He carried most of
the materials for making the sacrifice in a net on his back, sus-
pended by a strap from the forehead. The eldest son came
next with his bow and arrows. He had a burden in proportion
to his years. He was followed by his two sisters, each of whom
had loads of greater proportions than their ages warranted.
The wife drew up in the rear. She had the youngest boy in
her arms and another on her back in a net suspended by a strap
across the forehead. After about two hours of walking, the
side of the lake was reached. All embarked in one of the
native canoes for the cliff where the god lived. This proved
to be the rock which has been described as having on its face
a painting of a double-headed serpent (Fig. 16, p. 68).
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RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 149
Close beside the figure on the cliff there is a large crevice in the
face of the rock, said to be the entrance to the home of the god.
It was in this cavelike formation that the sacrifices were made
in honor of loananohqu. The greatest solemnity characterized
the ceremony. The god was supposed actually to be present
during the performance of the rite. The writer was not allowed
to land from the canoe, nor were any of the family other than
the father and the eldest son, who carried out the ceremony.
As the water was very low in the lake, the canoe was some
distance below the ledge of rocks serving as an altar. It could
not be seen whether or not there were any braseros used in
connection with the rite. There were certainly none carried
from the encampment. It is quite probable that one or more
of the braserito8 were used in the rite as the conveyers of the
offering to the god. The whole face of the rock was heavily
smoked, showing that these pilgrimages were not uncommon.
The ceremony followed the same general lines as the others
which have been described. The offering, owing to the distance
and the dilficulty of bringing anything liquid, consisted only of
nodules of copal and buliwa.
The father held up the dishes containing the tamales of com
and frejoles, and gave the customary chant (No. 28). The
nodules of copcU were made on the spot and arranged on a board
which was kept on the ledge for the purpose. This board of
copal was held up and offered in the usual way, and the copal
then distributed in two clusters on the rocky ledge. A particle
from the middle of each buliwa was also placed on the ledge,
after which the gum was lighted and the leaves held in the
smoke. A prayer directed especially to loananohqu was made.^
After the leaves had been impregnated with the virtues of
the god by holding them in the smoke of the incense burned to
him, the father came down to the boat with the leaves and
chanted in turn over each member of his family. He then re-
turned to the cliff, where he prayed for a short time longer.
After the father and son had eaten several of the tamales given
1 1 was unable to obtain the text of this chant.
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150 MATA8 AND LACAND0NE8
to the god, they came down to the canoe, bringing the remainder
of the offering. All then joined in eating the buliwa, which
was the only thing they had brought to eat. The actual rite
did not last longer than two hours, and the rest of the day was
spent in hunting turtle eggs and fishing.
The daily thought and life of the Lacandones are centered
around the religious element. An instance of this is seen in an
incident witnessed by the writer. The father, the head of the
encampment and the leader in the preceding rite, together with
his family, was on his way to the neighboring settlement of the
Indians. He was some distance in advance of the wife and
children. As he stopped to wait for them, he gathered a palm
leaf, pulled off the lowermost petal, and tore a shred lengthwise
from the leaf. Rolling the leaf between the palms of his hands,
he performed the divinatory rite described (p. 100) in order to
receive an answer to questions which were troubling him. The
chant used in this rite showed the cause of his anxiety to be his
son, whom he feared would not live to grow up.
There is a ceremony observed just before a mother is deliv-
ered of a child. The father offers the usual offerings to the
gods and prays for a safe delivery, for the recovery of the
mother, and the life and growth of the child. He asks for the
good health of the mother and child during the period of
suckling (ntftukutinti), for freedom of fear for the child, and
finally the power of walking.
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RELIGION OF THE MAYAS
The surprise is not great at finding survivals of ancient be-
liefs as described by the early Spanish priests and historians
among the Lacandones, who have been more free from outside
influence than almost any other people of Mexico and Central
America; but among the practically civilized Mayas of Yucatan,
one is indeed amazed to find so much still remaining of the an-
cient religion under v^hat at first appears to be a most rigid
conformation to the beliefs of the Roman Catholic Church.
In the less populated districts one can find rites being cele-
brated similar in a great part to some of the ceremonies found
among the Lacandones, but with the addition of a cross of wood
set up before the offering to carry out the idea received from
their Catholic teachers. The symbol of the cross seems to
free the rite of any heretical character that it might possess
from the standpoint of the Catholic clergy. Many of the
early Spanish accounts speak of the first population of Yuca-
tan as not being worshipers of idols, but as possessing religion
not differing greatly from that introduced by the Spaniards.^
This idea evidently is a result of the Spanish teaching.
There is one great cause for the success which crowned the
efforts of the early Spanish missionaries in establishing a new
form of worship in Yucatan. Instead of introducing an en-
tirely new set of ideas and strange forms of devotion into the
country, the old ideas were used as a foundation on which to
build the new teaching. The rites native to the country were
1 CI. *' RelacWn de Quizil y Sitipeche," 1900, Vol. XL, p. 216 : "... Los prim-
eros pobladores de chihinisa no fueron ydolatras hasta que Rul Rau capitain
mexicano entro en estas partes el qual enseiio la ydolatria o la nesesidad como
ellos dizen los enseflo a ydolatrar — tubieron notizia de un criador de todas las
cosas de la criazion del cielo y de la tierra y de la cayda de lusifer de la ynmor-
talidad del anyma y del ^ielo y del ynfierno y del delubio general."
161
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152 MATA8 AND LACANDONES
changed until they agreed more or less faithfully with those
of the new religion.
We may certainly question the accuracy of some of the
early accounts of the missionaries concerning the speed with
which the natives threw aside the religion of their race and
adopted that of the Conquerors. The early priests without ex-
ception speak of the ease with which the natives were induced
to discard their former religious ideas. It was probably not
until the Mayas were greatly weakened by the continued
attacks of the enemy and after years of submission to the su-
perior force that the Catholic religion was in any way established
in the country. In the accounts of the immense numbers of
baptisms administered to the native race there can be placed
little reliance, as undoubtedly there were a large number of
" repeaters, " as each new convert usually obtained from the
hands of the king^s missionaries certain gifts in the way of
clothing.
In the cities and towns throughout Yucatan there are churches
and cathedrals. In the smaller villages, the priests come but
once a year to christen children, to hear confession, and to bless
unions that have already taken place. In many of the smaller
settlements in the interior, even the yearly visit is done
away with, and the natives live without the slight restraining
influence of the padre. Each hut has its %antOy which usually
consists of the picture of the Virgin Mary. Saint days
are celebrated often with a grand carousal, which sometimes
assumes grand proportions. At frequent intervals along every
road and trail, crosses of wood have been erected. When
travelers pass a new cross, they always deposit a stone or pebble
at the base. The natives touch their hats when passing one
of the crosses. Yucatan is thus virtually a Catholic country.
Underneath this, however, there is much that is fundamentally
native in their religious ideas.
Landa and the other early priests and historians give a
large amount of material on the ceremonial life of the Mayas,
the yearly festivals and those celebrated in the different months
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RELIGION OF THE MAYAS 158
of the Maya year, but, as in the case with the Lacandones, it
will be possible to take up only those forms of rites which seem
to show some connection with those carried on at the present
time. I shall also enter upon a discussion of the early ideas of
the mythology of the Mayas found recorded in the early histo-
ries only in so far as they touch upon the beliefs of the present
day.
With a knowledge of the most important of the rites of the
Lacandones, it will be interesting to take a survey of a few of
the ceremonies now carried on in some of the less populated dis-
tricts of the peninsula. These usually have no close connection
with the affairs of the Church, although they are recognized by
the priests and are not openly prohibited, inasmuch as these
rites, as I have before noted, are freed from possessing any
heretical character by having the symbol of the cross interwoven
in their structure together with the names of several of the
Catholic saints.
In order to understand the ceremonies, it will be well to
know something of the cosmical conceptions of the Mayas of
t the present time. ^According to the information obtained from
the Mayas in the vicinity of Valladolid, this world is now in the
fourth period of its existence. In the first epoch there lived
the Saiyamwinkoob, the Adjusters. These composed the primi-
tive race of Yucatan. They were dwarfs and were the ones
who built the ruins. This work was all done in darkness be-
fore there was any sun. As soon as the sun appeared, these
people turned to stone. Their images are found to-day in
many of the ruins (PI. XXVIII). It was at this period that
there was a road suspended in the sky, stretching from Tuloom
and Coba to Chichen Itza and Uxmal. This pathway was
called kuftansum or s&bke (white road). It was in the nature
of a large rope '(sum) supposed to be living (kusan) and in the
middle flowed blood. It was by this rope that the food was
sent to the ancient rulers who lived in the structures now in
ruins. For some reason this rope was cut, the blood flowed out,
and the rope vanished forever. This first epoch was separated
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154 MATA8 AND LACAND0NE8
from the second by a flood called Haiyoqokab (water over the
earth).
In the second period of the history of the earth there lived
the *' oolob," the Offenders. Again a flood destroyed the greater
part of the world, after which the Masehualli, or Mayas of the
present time, came into power. Still again there was a flood
which gave way to the fourth period. In this last epoch, there
is a mixture of all the previous peoples inhabiting Yucatan.
This last flood was called "hunyekU," or "bulkabal" (the im-
merging)- The Catholic priests take advantage of this belief
in the various epochs to teach that, in the last flood, all the
spirits of the race were killed excepting three who escaped in a
canoe, " Dios yumbiU Dios mehenbilj and Dios Espirito Santo^^^
the Maya expression for the Trinity.
The MasehuaUi, or Mayas of the present time, state that their
ancestors were among those who lived in the first period of the
earth's history.
According to the natives of Yucatan, there are seven heavens
above the earth, each of which has a hole in the center, one di-
rectly above the other. According to one idea, a giant ceiba
(yaitie), growing in the exact center of the earth, rears its
branches through the successive holes in the heavens until it
reaches the seventh, where " El Gran Dios " of the Spaniards
lives. It is by means of this tree ^ that the dead spirits ascend
from one world to the other until they reach the topmost one,
where they finally remain. Another explanation is that there
is a ladder made of vines running from the earth up through
the holes in the heavens to the seventh, and it is by this vine
that the souls ascend.
Below the topmost plain occupied by the God introduced by
1 The ceiba tree (Bombox ceiba) plays a great part in the mythology of the
Mayas. One was supposed to have grown in Valladolid. It was cut down, but
it grew again and had four branches, one for each of the cardinal points. A
cenote was directly beneath the tree. A hawk lived in the topmost branch, the
spirit of the tree. The bird's cry was ** aukl, sukl,*' and this was the name given
to the town, which later was changed by the Spaniards to Valladolid. For
a probable representation of this tree, see Codex Tro-Cortesianus, pp. 75, 76.
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RELIGION OF THE MAYAS 156
the Spaniards, in the sixth heaven, there lives a class of spirits
called Nnkntiynmtiakob.^ The former gods of the Mayas have
been relegated to the role of spirits under the dominion of HI
Ghran Dios. In many cases, where among the Lacandones there
is found a single god, among the Mayas of the present time
there is a class of spirits. One of these spirits, called Nukut-
ftyumtiakob, would be called Nohotiyumtftak,^ and it is this
terra, with a change in the arrangement of the syllables, No-
lioti(ti)ak7um, that we have found given to the main god of the
Lacandones (p. 93). Among the Mayas this class of spirits is
also called Aoenuloob, or simply Tumtiakob. They are regarded
as old, white-haired, and as having beards. They are described
as being very fond of smoking. These are gods of rain and
carry out the commands of the God of the seventh heaven. In
addition to these attributes they are the protectors of human
beings. According to the early authorities, the rain gods were
called ** T»ak " (written Chao). A rite for rain is still carried
on by the Mayas. It is called by the reduplicated term tftatiak
(p. 162).
On the fifth plain above the earth reside the protecting spirits
of the milpod or fields, Qu^ob, and of the forest, A^kananqaiob.^
Tumqai (written Tumkaah) is given as a god of the fields among
the early Mayas. To each of these classes of spirits rites are
performed which will be described later.
The fourth heaven is occupied by a class of spirits called
A^kananbaltieob. This word has the meaning " the protectors
of the animals."
In the third heaven live the spirits who are not well disposed
toward man, A^qaqasbalob.^
The gods of the winds live on the second plain: A^laqinqu,
1 They are called by the Spanish name regaderos, from the verb regar, to
water, to moisten.
^ Nokuti is the plural form of the adjective nohoti, meaning great.
* The a*^ seen in many of these proper names is the masculine prefix, con-
trasted with the feminine form d.
^ This word is made from the reduplicated form of the adjective meaning bad,
qas.
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156 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
god of the east wind, A^H^iiqinqu, god of the west wind,
Ai^noholqinqu, god of the south wind, and A^amanqinqu, god of
the north wind. The early Mayas had a spirit of the wind
called Iq (written Ik).
In the first heaven above the earth lived the Tumbalamob.
They are for the special protection of "(?m<iaw(?«." They are
invisible during the day, but at night they are awake and remain
seated at the crosses set up at the entrance of the pueblos.
There are four of the Tumbalamob, one for each of the cardinal
points. They mount guard over the town and protect the peo-
ple from the animals of the forest and other dangers. The
pieces of worked obsidian often found throughout Yucatan are
supposed to have been used by the Balamob to cut through the
wind, and by the sounds thus produced to make signs to their
companions stationed at the other entrances to the town. These
obsidian flakes are also used to hurl at animals who are about
to attack men.
Below the earth is the abode of Kisin, the earthquake and
god of the underworld (metnal). He is a god of evil. The
Tumtiakob send down the rain which refreshes the earth. This
makes the ground cold and uncomfortable for Kisin, so that he
makes a wind in the sky to drive away the rain clouds. It is
in this underworld that the spirits of those live who have com-
mitted suicide by throwing themselves into a cenote^ or by
some other means. The spirits of all people who die go here
for a short time, after which they pass through the several
heavens, finally arriving at the seventh, where they live in
happiness forever. The souls (pi»an) of men who have died
in war and of women who have died in childbirth go directly
to the upper world, without the intermediate residence in
metnal. The Mayas have always believed iii a future life, but
it is hard to tell how much influence the Catholic teaching has
had on the ideas they now entertain.
The soul of a dead person is called piian. This is the same
^ This would seem to be the most common form of yolimtary death.
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BELIOION OF THE MAYAS 157
term used by the Lacandones. The god who conducts the
spirit of the dead to the several abodes is called Tftasapiian.
Among the Lacandones, we have seen (p. 47) how the spirit
is provided with food for the journey. Among the Mayas as
well food is placed on the grave to provide for the welfare of
the spirit until it reaches the seventh heaven. It is believed
tliat a priest will come at the end of the world, and by the
sense of smell he will separate the true Indians from those of
mixed blood.
In addition to the gods whose names have been given as
inhabiting the different heavens, there are a number of other
spirits whose attributes vary, and who are supposed to live in
one of the several abodes of the gods.
A^qinftok is described as owner of the days. The spirits
who have protection over the bees are called Kananftniob, and
the owners of the medicinal herbs are named Sitbolontim.
Brinton gives this same term to the gods of medicine.
Suhuiqaq is the spirit of the new fire, a god of healing. The
Lacandone god, Qaq, may be identified with this god of the
Mayas. A^kufttal is the god of birth. The mythical serpent,
Ququlkan, of the Lacandones is called Quqikan among the
Mayas. It is described as a many-headed snake living in
the sky. At intervals it comes to the earth to a place below
the home of the red ants (sai). A^maklq (the one who locks
up the wind) is a spirit to whom an appeal is made when there
are very strong winds working damage to the crops.
As among the Lacandones, the thunder is called tanupekqu.
The gods of rain, Tmntftakob, are said to be rushing everywhere
in a storm, and they use the thunder to announce their coming.
The lightning, tanohaoqu, is the whip with which they lash
their horses. The rain gods carry bows and arrows and often
fell trees in. their journeys. Sometimes the points of their
arrows are found in the midst of the forest. This is the ex-
planation jjiven when a meteorite is found. Among some of
the Maya^, it is believed that where a meteorite * falls, there a
.' ^ Tiinqaq, literally suspended fire.
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168 MATA8 AND LACAND0NE8
lake will afterward be found filled with alligators. As has been
noted, the Tumtiakoq are great smokers. Comets are explained
as the cigars which are being thrown away by the rain gods.
As among the Lacandones, both the sun and his consort, the
moon, are regarded as servants of the main god. The deities
themselves never do any real work, and as the sun and moon
are continually in motion, they cannot be regarded as anything
more than servants. It is considered a bad sign to point to
the sun or moon. When the sun or moon is in eclipse, it is
believed that an evil being (qaqasbal) is biting them.^ A great
noise is made to frighten the animal away. The children are
struck so that they will cry.^ No trace of this idea can be
found among the Lacandones. The former belief that a great
noise must be made is found among the Mexicans. Its origin
may possibly be traced to them.
There are a great number of spirits among the Mayas of the
present time who are ill-disposed toward men. Stabai is a term
used both by the Lacandones and the Mayas both now and at
the time of the Conquest. It is given by Brasseur de Bourbourg
as a god of the chase. Among the Lacandones, it is a goddess
residing in the rocks of the forest. Among the Mayas, it is the
name given to a class of demons of snake form living in caves.
They lie in wait, ready to spring out in human form and capture
men. These they carry into the underworld, or throw them
into a cenote. They are sometimes female in form, and sit in
the forks of trees combing their hair. The Yoyoltie are in the
same class as the Stabai. . Each of their steps is half a league
in length. They walk in the night and shake the houses as
they pass. The Pulahoob ^ are a class of spirits corresponding
1 When the sun is in eclipse, the expression is tun tftibi Tumqin.
«Cf. Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. IV, Chap. 4: **En los eclipses de Sol, y Luna,
usan por tradition de siis passados, hazer que sus perror ahuUen, 6 lloren,
pellizcandolos el cuerpo, 6 las orejas, y diin golpes en las tab'as, y bancos, y
puerta. Dizen que la Luna se muere, 6 la pican un genero d^ hormiga, que
llaman Xulab.'' For similar account, see Aguilar, 1638, p. 73.
8 Literally Pulahoob means the throwers out. The Spanish tenn is hechicero,
a witch.
Cf. Aguilar, 1639, p. 74: **Tambien ay Indios hechizeros que tK)n ensalmas
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RELIGION OF THE MAYAS 169
to our idea of witches. They are employed to work evil
toward wrongdoers. Their power can be exerted only over
evil. If a person is supposed to be a murderer, and the family
of the murdered man want him killed if he be the guilty one,
one of the hechicero9 (pulahoob) is invoked, and a small human
figure in clay is made. In this effigy a thorn is placed either
in the head or heart. This is then secretly buried in the door-
way of the supposed murderer's hut. As he passes over it, he
immediately becomes ill. If the man in question is guilty, he
dies ; otherwise he recovers. If one desires to send calentura
to punish a wrongdoer, chili is rubbed on the clay figure to be
buried. Another method of punishing a culprit is to place
poison in his food, other than in anything made of com. This
composes the main offering of food made to the gods, and there-
fore is not suited to be used in such a connection. If the per-
son who eats the poisoned food is guilty, vomiting forth
tarantulas, snakes, earth, ashes, and pieces of crystal, he finally
dies in great agony. If, on the other hand, he is innocent, the
poison does him no harm.
The spirits of cold, Tumikeel, and of heat, Tumqaq or
Tnmtaikwil, are evil in nature. They are the ones who send
fevers of many kinds. There is a spirit, called Paqok, who
wanders around in the night and attacks if^omen. There are
spirits of evil everywhere and all are waiting to work harm
unless certain charms are carried and rites performed to coun-
teract their mischievous inclinations.
Ceremonies. — There are no remains • of idols among the
Mayas. Incense-burners are found, but they are simple bowls
with no suggestion of a head attached, as we have seen exist-
ing among the Lacandones. Some of the incense-burners are
made in the form of animals with the bowl for burning copal
curan a las mordidos, o picados de viboras, y culebras, que ay infinitas de oasca-
bel ; los quales rabian, y se les pudren, las carries, y mueren. T el remedio,
que les di, por averlo oido, es que bevan escrementos de hombre, o el ^umo
delimones ..."
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160 MAYA8 AND LACAND0NE8
on the back of the creature (cf. PL XIX, Fig. 1). The santos^
possessed by the Mayas of the present time are furnished by
the Catholic Church. There is a rite, much of which is native
in character, now carried on befoi*e these pictures of the saints
which have taken the place of the idols of the Lacandones.
This rite is called hahaltan. Clay incense-burners are made in a
bowl shape and in these live coals and copal are placed. Palm
leaves are used to scatter the smoke of the incense, but not,
as among the Lacandones, to carry away any of the beneficial
effect of the presence of the god (p. 121). The priest or
leader of the rite takes the bowl of smoking incense -in his
hand as he prays. When there is no olla^ a piece of bark is
used in which to burn the copal. A botSilip is made as a
further offering to the santo. This is a pole on which there
are a graduated series of shelves or platforms, the smaller
being at the top. Each of these shelves holds offerings of food
for the santo, among which are figures of birds made of bread
(tiitiiwa).
A ceremony of thanksgiving (ohanlikol^) is performed among
the Mayas similar in some respects to that existing among the
Lacandones at the time when the first fruits of the milpa are
offered to the gods (p. 103). This rite among the Mayas is
celebrated in the field after the harvest of corn is gathered.
Baltie, similar in all respects to that made by the Lacandones, is
made at a place somewhere outside the domestic hut several
days before the rite is to occur. Chili is added to the honey
and the baltie bark. Nine jicaras of the drink are prepared
and a pile of large and thick tortillas (tutiwa). Between each
two of the tortillas there are placed either frejoles, cooked and
mashed, or pepita (sikil), the seeds of the calabasa. On the
topmost tortilla of this sandwich-like mass, a cross is made with
the pressure of the finger. This tutiwa is then placed in the
1 This is the same word used among the Mexicans of Chiapas in referring to
the incense-burners of the Lacandones.
^ This term is formed from the root of the verb to eat, hanal, and the word
for mt7pa, kol. Literally, it means the milpa, its offering of food.
\
\
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RELIGION OF THE MAT AS 161
middle of a table in the field where the corn is grown. Around
this pile of nine tortUlaa^ dishes of deer meat are placed, together
with cigars made of the first tobacco of the year rolled in corn
husks, and the nine jicaras of baltse. In addition to these
offerings, seyeTaX.tortillas are placed in a large earthen olla and
on top of these a meat soup is poured together with baltie,
finally the livers of several chickens are deposited on top of
the mass in the olla and above these the two feet of a hen.^
A bit of the contents of each of the dishes is thrown to the
east, south, west, and north as a gift to the spirits residing in
the four quarters of the sky. A chant is then made, and all the
saints of each pueblo are invited to come and partake of the
offering. After the prayer, each man comes, and, as he kneels
down in front of the table, the priest places a part of the tortilla
in his mouth and gives him some of the baltie to drink. Here
we find the transition stage between the rite as described as
performed among the Lacandones (p. 130) and the oflSce of
communion as carried out by the Christian Church. A dish of
the meat and a piece of the tutiwa are finally given to each one
present, when the regular feasting begins.
As among the Lacandones, the daily routine of life is filled
with religious rites which recur as uniformly as the seasons.
Toward the close of the period of drought, before the milpa can
be burned properly, a rite must be performed invoking the
spirits of the wind to come so that the fire may spread and a
good burning be the result. This rite is called uB&kaikol.'
A shelf is made in the milpa of poles stretching between the
trees. On this, facing the east, nine jicaras of posol are placed
(PI. XIX, Fig. 1). Directly behind the gourds of po%ol^ a
cross of two sticks is set up in the ground (PI. XIX, Fig. 2).
1 Of. Landa, 1864, p. 254 : ^* En medio ponian un gran manojo de varillas secas
atadas, y enhiestas, y quemando primero de bu encienso en el brazero, pegavan
fuego a las varillas, y en tanto que ardian, sacavan con liberalidad los cora-
9one8 a las aves y animales, y echavanlos a quemar en el fuego.*'
2 Literally, the meaning is the milpa (kol), its offering of poBol (s&ka).
This posol must be made of the com from the ends of the cob.
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162 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
This serves as a medium by which the poaol is given to the
spirit owners of the field, Ahkananqasob.
This offering is left for a few hours and the fires are started.
After they are well under way, the burners return to the offer-
ing of posol and the owner of the milpa spatters with th^ end of
a leaf a particle of the contents of each jieara to the east, south,
west, and north. There is no chant in this rite. After the
spirits in the four cardinal points have thus been given an
offering, the po%ol is drunk and the work of burning continues.
A similar offering of poBol is often made after the corn is
planted. This is to propitiate the rain gods, Tnmtiakob, so
that they will come and bring the rain.
A more general ceremony for rain, called tiatftak, is entered
into by all the people of a pueblo at the time of a great drought.
Each contributes his share of corn, honey, fr^oles^ and pepita.
The corn is ground and made into nine large tortillas^ and the
other gifts are placed between the different tortillas. This
offering, together with dishes of meat, is placed in a field as in
the rite of ohanlikol. All the men then make a noise like the
toads (muti), after which a small portion of the offerings is
scattered to the foOr cardinal points. A general feasting then
begins.
A simple offering of posol is made near the house before the
departure on any extended hunting trip. The posol is for the
owners of the animals, A^kanabaltieob. This rite is called
us&kaiDon.^ A short chant is made at the departure and again
on the return.
There is a rather elaborate ceremony carried out, usually in
January, in behalf of the cattle. This is called by the half
Maya, half Spanish, name LocorraL^ This rite, now performed
for the domestic herds, probably had its rise in a similar rite
directed to slightly different ends. A quantity of baltie is
made and a pole (pabltie) is planted in the center of the corral.
Wantul, the spirit who guards the cattle, is supposed to come
1 Literally, the meaning is the gun (7011), its (u) offering of posol (saka).
« Cf. Garcia, 1906, pp. 63-08.
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RELIGION OF THE MAYAS 168
and hover around the pole during the celebration of the rite.
The lasso (tapkanl) of Wantnl, made of a bejuco^ is placed on
the pole. A man goes far into the forest with a gourd of
baltie. He bellows like an ox as he goes along. Two vaqueros
go in search of the ox-man. As soon as they find him, they
lasso him and bring him back to the corral. He is tied to the
pole, after which he is released and immediately begins to kick
and behave in the manner of a wild bull. He is lassoed again
and is given twenty-five cuts with the end of the lariat. All
the men present also strike the unruly ox-man. The priest
then recites a short chant. He spatters the baltie carried by
the man who impersonates the ox in the direction of the four
cardinal points and then gives it to all those present, when the
rite closes.
There is a ceremony in behalf of the caretakers of the bees,
Ukananiniob, called TJhanlikab. Po9ol is placed in t\iQJicara9
in the same way as in the rite in the milpa (p. 160).
The rites of divination are no less important a factor in the
life of the Maya of the present time than in that of the
Lacandone. The Catholic priests have done much to stamp
out this custom, but it is to be found, however, as are many of
the other rites, only in the less densely populated parts of the
peninsula. All the divinatory rites must necessarily be per-
formed by a man skilled in the use of the different means of
divination. This class of men is called in Spanish yerbatero%^
and in Maya men, meaning to understand, to know how. It is
they who are skilled in the use of the herbs and medicines of
the country. They are also versed in the means employed to
look into the future and forecast coming events.
The most common way to predict the future is by a crystal
(sastiin or sashom), which is supposed to contain a virgin. The
rock must first of all be awakened to consciousness. This is
done by placing it in a vessel containing baltie. The men then
holds it to the light. Clouds may sometimes be seen in it,
it is said, and in these the priest reads the future. When a
crystal is lacking, eighteen grains of corn (wo**) are used in
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164 MAYA8 AND LACAND0NE8
much the same way. They are made to live by offering five
jicares of posol for nine days to the Tnmbalamob occupying the
first heaven. After this, each grain is held up separately and
examined before a lighted candle. They are then made into
. two groups of nine each and thrown on the floor. The men
reads the future in the relative positions they take as they fall
from his hand.
A ring is sometimes used for divination. It is placed in a
vessel containing baltse, tobacco, and nine leaves of a tree called
in Spanish hafa de viento. In the movements of the ring among
the leaves, the future is foretold. In this again we find the
number nine an important factor in the rite. In all the offer-
ings there seem to be two Jicaras^ two tortillas^ two grains of
com, or two leaves for each of the four cardinal points, and one
for the heavens directly above, thus making nine in all:
Sickness of many kinds is supposed to be cured by virtue of
the properties contained in, fire kindled by two sticks (p. 138).
This new fire is called by the names of one of the gods,
Suhuiqaq. A stone heated in this fire imbues water with a
magical power to cure calenturaA
^' We find, as we have seen, much of importance still preserved
in the life and customs of the natives of Yucatan and the
country to the southward. I have tried to bring out through-
out this paper the results of European contact upon what was
once in all probability a homogeneous people, the Mayas under
the influence of Spanish rule since the earliest days of the
Conquest and the Lacandones who have singularly been left to
themselves after the first vain attempts at Christianizing them.
The remarkable preservation of the native Maya language in
Yucatan, together with the dress and many domestic customs,
to say nothing of the survivals of the native religious ideas
throughout the peninsula, points to a wonderful vitality, and
to some inherent power against any change, which is possessed
1 Starr (1902, a, pp. 16-22) gives a number of cases of religious ideas among
the Mayas at the present time regarding charms and the cure of diseases.
Cf. also Garcia, 1906, and 1906, a, and Palma y Palma, 1901.
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RELIGION OF THE MAYAS 165
in a rare degree by the Mayas of Yucatan. If, in language,
dress and in much of the religion, survivals are found among
the civilized Mayas of the north, it may rightfully be expected
that among the Lacandones, than whom no people in Mexico
and Central America has been more free from outside influence,
we should find a far closer relation between the former culture
and that existing at the present time. I have tried to point
out the more relevant of these survivals, the pilgrimages to the
ruined cities, the use of the stone idols and clay incense-burners,
the latter being renewed at certain intervals, the copal nodules
found in the ruins and also in use to-day, the ear cut with the
stone knife, compulsory drunkenness, survivals of the names
of many of the gods, identity of rites pictured in the codices
with those celebrated at the present time, and the similarity
in the character of the offerings. Thus we might go on find-
ing more and more examples of survivals in the life of the
Mayas and the Lacandones./ But in spite of all this, the
Mayas, and more especially the Lacandones, are very low in
the scale of culture. They have no creati ve genius whatso-
ever, nor have they appreciation for anything lartistic. 1 If these
people are the descendants of those of master minds who con-
ceived and carried out the ancient culture found throughout
the country, it is hard to explain why the temples and sculp-
tures in their midst do not serve to keep up or even to revive
any latent power which it would seem they ought to possess.
But among the Lacandones and Mayas as well, there is no one,
as far as can be made out, who is able to give us the slightest
possible aid in deciphering the hieroglyphic inscriptions. Their
mind is a blank upon this subject, not, I am sure, from any
desire of secrecy, but from absolute ignorance. I have tried
in every way that human ingenuity can devise to test the
Lacandones on their knowledge of the hieroglyphic writing, and
all without results. I then repeat, that I feel positive that it
is not due to an unwillingness to disclose knowledge forbidden
to an outsider, but to pure ignorance, that my attempts have
met with failure.
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166 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
We have, I think, an explanation for this. The culture was
far in its decline at the time of the Spanish Conquest. Some
of the ruined cities in northern and eastern Yucatan were un-
doubtedly occupied at this time, but to the southward, the
ruined centers of Copan, Quirigua, and Palenque were buried
in the depths of the forest, and all their life and activities had
ceased long before the Spaniards came into the country. In-
tense civil strife and warfare with the Nahuas and more bar-
baric tribes to the north and with the Central American tribes
to the south were one of the causes of this decline in the life
of the Mayas. But there is another reason, which goes far
towards explaining the ignorance of the Lacandones of any-
thing pertaining to the question of the hieroglyphs. The
early Spanish accounts speak almost without exception of this
knowledge of the hieroglyphic writing being a possession only
of the priestly class and of a few of the nobles, and conversely,
that it was not shared by the common people.^ The priests
1 Lizana, 1633 (quoted by Brinton, 1882, a, p. xxi) : '* La historia y autores
que podemofi alegar son unos antiguos caracteres, mal entendidos de muchos, y
glossados de unos indios antiguos, que son hijos de los sacerdotes de sus dioses,
que son los que solo sabian leer y adivinar, y a quien creian y reverenciavan
como i, Dioses destos.**
Ponce, p. 302 : ** Estas letras y caracteras no las entendian, sino los sacerdotes
de los idolos (que en aquella lengua se llaman ^ahklnes*), y algnn indio
principal."
Landa, 1864, p. 42 : " Que los de Yucatan fueron tan curiosos en las cosas de
la religion como en las del goviemo, y que tenian un gran sacerdote que llama-
van Ahkin-Mai, y por otro nombre Ahau-Can-Mai, que quiere dezir el Sacer-
dote Mai o el Gran Sacerdote Mai, y que este era muy reverenciado de los
seflores el qual no tenia repartimiento de indios, pero que sin las offendas, le
hazian presentes los seflores y que todos los sacerdotes de los pueblos le con-
tribuian : y que a este le succedian en la dignidad sus hijos y parientes mas
cercanos, y que en este estava la Have de sus sciencias, y que en estas tratavan
lo mas, y que davan consejo a los seflores y respuestas a sus preguntas ; y que
cosas de los sacrificios pocas vezes las tratava sino en fiestas muy principales,
o en negocios muy importantes ; y que este proveia de sacerdotes a los pueblos
quando faltavan, examinandoles en sus sciencias y cerimonias, y que les encar-
gava las cosas de sus officios y el buen exemplo del pueblo y proveya de sus
libros y los embiava, y que estos attendian al servicio de los templos, y a en-
sefiar sus sciencias y escrivir libros de ellas. Que enseflavan los hijos de los sacer-
dotes, y a los hijos segundos de los seflores que llevavan para esto desde nifios,
si veian se inclinavan a este officio. Que las sciencias que enseflavan eran le
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RELIGION OF THE MATA8 167
and the members of the higher classes did not submit without
a struggle to the conditions of practical slavery imposed upon
them by the Spanish conquerors. Moreover it was the special
desire of the Spanish priests to stamp out all remembrance of
the native religion, and this was only possible by first putting
an end to those possessing this dangerous knowledge. As a
consequence we have at the present time no one remaining
whose duty it is to keep alive this ancient teaching of the
hieroglyphic writing.
On the other hand, the larger dependent class, without whose
labor the great artificial pyramids and elaborate working in
stone would have been impossible, would naturally have an
acquaintance with the ceremonial side of the religion without
possessing a knowledge of the fundamental conceptions under-
lying it, as would be expressed by the hieroglyphic writing.
This element in the population has as its descendant the
Lacandones of the present time, who have kept up what there
is yet remaining of the former rites. We find, as we have seen,
the ceremonial side still existing in the many survivals, but as
for explanations touching upon the deeper significance of the
religion and reasons for the line of thought necessary to ex-
plain the hieroglyphic writing, we meet with disappointment.
We pass from the long and slow beginnings in the far-dis-
tant past to the culmination of the culture still in the past and
far on its way downward when the first Spaniard set his foot
on this continent. From the heights reached in the develop-
ment of the hieroglyphic system and noted in the remains of
the ruined structures found throughout Yucatan and Central
America, we come to what we find to-day, a few scattered
families living out their own lives, hidden in the depths of the
forest, alone and forgotten.
cnenta de los afios, meses y dias, las fiestas y cerimonias, la administracion de
BUS sacramentos, los dias y tiempos fatales, sus maneras de adivinar y sus pro-
phecias, los acaecimientos, y remedios para los males, y las antiguedades, y leer y
escrivir con sus libros y carateres con los quales escrivian y con figuras que
significavan las escrituras."
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Digitized by VjOOQ IC
CHANTS
TEXT AND TRANSLATION
No. 1
A set of bow and arrows offered to the gods when a boy arrives at the
age of puberty
He kin tiakuntik^ u halal,^ Tome*
I am about to redden his set of bow and arrows, O father.
He u halal in oen^ Tume Tiihi
See his set of bow and arrows my son, oh father. When he is
kn qasi^^ keti. Tiihi
grown, he will make offerings to you. When he is grown,
kn oa teti hnnn Tnme.
he will give you an offering of a fillet, oh father.
No. 2
£clipse of sun
Sipt&k Tnme^ ma^ nbalal hnn
Most excellent father, do not permit to be hidden the one
qaq.s Hoqok tSktal hen bortiketi
fire. Come out, warmth, I will pay you (with an offering),
aipt&k Tnme. Hoqok t&ktal oroil, inwilik yum
most excellent father. Come out, warmth, poor, I see the god
nintan. Manan insipil. Ma tin tftkal,^
pinched. In nothing have I erred. I do not associate with
1 To make red spots of achiote as a sign that they are offered to the gods.
^ XThal or nhalal is the same as nhnlul, his set (juego),
s This is a title given to all the gods and refers to the one to whom the offer-
ing in question is made.
^ From the word oentik to bring up, to rear. The sentence reads, see my
son^s set of bow and arrows.
^ Literally, the meaning is growing up, he will remind you (by means of
offerings).
> This refers to Nobotdakynm, who has the sun for his servant.
' The negative has the idea of prohibition. The verb is in the passive.
* This is -a name given to the sun. He is also called Tnmqin.
* The form tftkal is intransitive ; literally, I am not an associate.
169
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170 MAYAS AND LAC AN BONES
Tame ma tin takik in lak^
any one, O father, I do not associate with my companions, O
Tome,
father.
No. 8
Divination for name of god whose presence is desired
Qerqertikanina ^ kai yal u tan' kani^ kai
for him to tell his name in the sky, for him to
yal XL tan tin qer ma umamao tani
tell his name in my hand, do not permit to be false the name
tin qer. Mati en pokbeni^ u tan
in my hand. Take possession of me, to be received his name,
ma umamaQ tani tin qer kai yal
do not permit to be false the name in my hand, for him to tell
n tan kani oftilan ^ yal u tan
his name in the sky, in the home of the gods, tell his name
tin qer yal n tan kani. Ma
in my hand, tell his name in the sky. Do not permit him
tnoik en^ tin qerki. Oiilan yal u
to lie to me in my hand. In the home of the gods, tell his
tan. Oiilan pokben iqi'
word. In the home of the gods, to be received the message.
Mati en. Kiantie* koUd, »>
Take possession of me. Inside (is) the stem
I^ai yal u tan tin qer. Maben nmnlik
For him to tell his word in my hand. May he not hide it
1 Very often a plural form is not used when a plural sense is clearly shown.
^ This term is incapable of translation. It probably denotes the action of the
divinatory rite. Qer is the word used among the Lacandones for hand rather
than the usual form qab.
* The division into syllables is purely arbitrary.
^ It is difficult in all cases to explain the addition of the vowel i at the end of
words.
^ Pokben is equivalent to qamben.
« In Yucatan, the term oiilal is given to the home of the spirits who own the
bees.
7 Literally, to lie me. The form is transitive.
* Literally iq means the wind.
* This word is omitted when the second form of the divinatory rite is under-
taken. There are other slight differences.
^^ The name of the god about whom the intelligence is desired is inserted at
this place.
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CHANTS 171
tin qer. Kukitdker. Kohaul
(the word) in my hand. He tells the truth. He is concluding
XL tan tin qer. Hen likike hei wai yn tal. Knhanl
his word in my hand. He will rise if it is good. He is con-
u tan tin qer.
eluding his word in my hand.
No. 4
Diyination for name of offering desired by the gods
Tinla^ -wa ku qatik^ yum.
An offering of posol if he may care for it, the god. An
Tiola wa kn oiboltik yum. Bal
offering of po9ol if he may desire it, the god. Anything (as)
n matan ku qatik, Tumki.* Bai kn qatik, tiula?
his gift he may like, O god. What does he like, an offering
Bai kn oiboltik, tinla?
of posol? What does he desire, an offering of posol? He
HeiulikU,^ heinyntttal.^ Hen< bortiketi in
raises himself, he is reanimated. I will pay to you my offer-
tiula teti.
ing of posol to you.
No. 6
Distribution of copal in the braseros during the process of the manufac-
ture of the new incense-burners.
Tan in kubik ^ in pom keti tiala
I am restoring my offering of copal to you for you (in turn)
kubik tik? yum tiala naaik^
to restore it to the father (your master), for you to raise it up
1 Tliis is an example of the sort of chant given to ascertain if the god or gods
are willing to accept an offering of posol. The name of the other offerings
is inserted in this place in turn.
^ The idea is if he has a taste for it.
* It is hard to explain the presence of the vocative when all the verbs are in
the third person.
* This probably refers to the supposed readiness of the god in question to
give an answer to the queRtioning.
* Hen, a contraction for he-in.
* The idea is of giving back as an offering of thanks and a prayer for con-
tinued blessings a part of that originally sent by the gods.
7 Kubik tik is equivalent to kubtik.
* The food is given to the spirit represented by the olla who acts as a servant
to carry the offering to the god represented by the idol within the olla.
^ Nasik is equivalent to nakaik.
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172 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
tik yum. Hen bortiketi in tiula teti
to the father. I will pay you my offering of copal to you
nhel a kunya tiala kiibtik yum.
again for your welfare for you to restore it to the father.
Hen bortiketi in tiula teti tiaU tniU.^
I will pay you my offering of copal to you for you yourself.
Tan In mertik In sU tetikl ^ uhel a
I am making my gifts to you again for your
kunya. Blnlnkln * pok In ail teti, ma tu
welfare. I am about to dry my gifts to you, may they not
buhul ma ulakal u hoi in ail
crumble, may they not separate (as to) their heads, my gifts
teti,^ ma tu -wakal in ail teti, ma tu
to you, may they not crack, my gifts to you, may they not
paial in aU teti. Il« in mertik in aU teti,
break, my gifts to you. See me making my gifts to you, O
Tume. Ma tu lubul tiakwUki. Blnlnkln pullk
god. May not fall (upon me) fever. I am about to place
eti yoko tumu l&k.^ H in mertik in aU
you (the idol) in the new brasero. See me making my gifts
teti uhel a kunya. H in mertik in ail
to you again for your welfare. See, I am making my gifts to
teti tia yol in palal. Ma u nftktantik
you for the health (of) my children. May not trample (them)
yahil, ma u nftktantik keel,
under foot any harm, may not trample them under foot cold,
mau nftktantik tiakwil. Orqen, ta ilbalV
may not trample them under foot fever. Enter, walk,
a wilik in pal, akune in pal.
see my son, cure my son.
1 A part of the offering is also given to the spirit of the braserOy represented
by the head, for his own consumption.
^ The name of the god to whom the offering is being made is inserted here.
' Literally, I am going.
* Freely, may the heads of my gifts to you not separate from the bowls.
* n is the root of the verb to see. It is joined so closely to the personal pro-
noun as almost to constitute one form of pronoun.
« Literally, olla,
7 The quick change from the first infinitive to finite forms cannot be ex-
plained.
^ Slbal is equivalent to iimbal.
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CHANTS 178
No. 6
An offering of posol placed in jicaras before the line of braseros
Taninkubik in tiula teti tial a kubik
I am restoring my offering of posol to you for you to restore
tik yum.^
it to father. (The remainder of the chant follows No. 5 in
the main.)
No. 7
An offering of posol administered to the braseros
In tinla teti Tnme tan in lutiik^
My offering of posol to you, O father, I am dipping out
ta til ohel aknnya, tiala tal
upon your lip again for your welfare, for you to come and
aknnlk in palal, tiala yemen.* UboU a wok tiala
charm my sons, for you to descend. Retard your feet in ordet
wnkik in tinla « teti. In tiula
to drink my offering of posol to you. My offering of posol to
teti Tome, tan in oaik teti tiala knbik tik
you, O father, I am giving you for you to restore it to the
yum. In tiula teti Tume, tan in oaik
father. My offering of posol to you, O father, I am giving
teti tiala tlliU uhel a kunya. Tiae le
it to you for you yourself again for your welfare. Take this
tiula tiala kub tik jum. Tiae le
offering ot posol for you to restore it to the father. Take this
tiula tiala UUU. Tiae le tiula
offering oi posol for you yourself. Take this offering of posol
I When an offering of posol is placed during the making of the milpa the
chant is as follows : —
Tiliken kuital in qas eti. Ma in tifik in wok.
I alone am enjoying life, I sacrifice to you. Do not allow me to cut my foot.
Tan in mertik in kol. Tiani woli. Ma in lak
1 am making my milpa. For this I have health. Do not allow the bottom of
tiete utiuntie. Tan in mertik in kol, kuookul
my foot to injure, a sharp stick. I am making my milpaj when it is finished I
kin qasik eti.
will sacrifice to you.
3 This word is used when it is desired to express the act of dipping some-
thing out of a vessel with a spoon.
« One would expect the form wemen in the second person.
* As each time '' my offering of posol ^' is said, a particle of the liquid is
placed on the mouth of the brasero.
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174 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
tiala kQ matan. Tiae le titila ohel a
for you, his gift. Take this offering of posol again for your
konya, tial u kuital, in paled. Tiae le
welfare, in behalf of them enjoying life, my sons. Take this
tiula tial u^ kuital in watan. Tiae
offering of posol in behalf of her enjoying life, my wife. Take
le tiula tial in kuital tniken>in
this offering of posol in behalf of me enjoying life, I alone I
qaa eti.
sacrifice to you.
No. 8
An offering of posol administered to the brasero of Usnkun.
Tan in lutiik ta tii, XTaukun, Tume in
I am dipping out upon your mouth, Usukun, my father, my
tiula.
offering of posoL
No. 9
An offering of posol offered at the east of the sacred hut
Tal u hol< teti Tume mutiite tial
(Here) comes its top to you, O father, accept it for the
yol in palal, in Tume. Tial yol * in watan
health (of) my sons, my father. For the health (of) my wife
tiala m&kik tiala wuUk. Tiae le tiula
for you to eat, for you to drink. Take up this offering of posol
tiala matan.
for your gift.
No. 10
An offering of posol administered to the braseros on the shelf
(The chant is the same as that given before Usukun, No. 8,
with the name of the god in question substituted for Usukun.}
No. 11
An offering of posol administered to the drum, Qaiyum
(The chant is the same as No. 8, with Qaiyum substituted
for Usukun.)
1 The pronoun is really the subject of the verb, which is not a participle in form.
* The objective pronoun ; literally, I am alone.
« Literally, its head.
^ As each phrase is spoken a particle is spattered.
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CHANTS 176
No. 12
Palm leaves distributed to the participants in the rite
Mutiite pok a baki.^
Take (the leaves),warm (in the fire of the incense) your ?(leave8).
Bininka oipite a bH,^
I am going to cleanse your gifts, (may I ?)
No. 18
Palm leaves held over the smoke of the burning incense
Tan in tiok a buoil, tian i woli, ttUken
I am absorbing your smoke, for this I am well, I myself am
koital. In qaa eti. Ma a tiiken kan.
enjoying life. I sacrifice to you. May not bite me the serpent.
Ma u tiiken balom. Tian i -woli.
May not bite me the tiger. For this I am well. (Cause to)
'Pate yahU.* Pate tftakwiL Ma u nftktantik
cease evil. (Cause to) cease fever. May not trample under
yahil, tiani yol,^ in palal. Ma u
foot evil (my sons), for this they are well, my sons. May not
nftk tantik tiakwil, tiani yol.^ in
trample (my sons) under foot fever, for this they are well, my
palal tiani yd in watan.
sons, for this she is well, my wife.
No. 14
Chant over a young boy with the palm leaves consecrated in the smoke of
the incense
Kune> in pal, in 3rnme, upate* yahil,
Guard my son, my father, (cause to) cease any evil, (cause
1 The meaning of the phrase is clear, but the exact significance of ba is not
clear.
^ The sentence is addressed to each man, and each is supposed to answer Bai,
yes.
« There is a very interesting i)arallel in a single line of a prayer noted by Mar-
gil, 1606. ** Ofrecen copal diciendo, Macom, ilia hau tzaon (oa on) an apom.
Mac^n (evidently, from the context, the name of one of the idols) no nos aparees
ay esta tu copal."
* Freely, as a result of the freedom from evil and fever, they are well now, and
the prayer is directed toward the future.
* Guard or charm.
^ I cannot explain the presence of the vowel a at the beginning of the form.
The form seems to be imperative.
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176 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
apate tiakwil. Ma a aiptik^ unftktantik
to) cease fever. Do not injure (by having) trample him under
yahU. Ma a siptik unftktantik
foot evil. Do not injure (by having) trample him under foot
tiakwil. Ma a siptik utSibite kan
fever. Do not injure (by having) bite him (my son) the serpent
in pal.s Ma a siptik ukimin. Tn ku baftal
my son. Do not injure (by sending) death. He is playing,
in pal.s Tiihi ku oaik teti tftula
my son. When he is grown up, he will give you an offering of
ku oaik teti pom. Tiihi
posol^ he will give you an offering of copaL When he is grown
ku oaik teti wa. Tiihi
up, he will give you an offering of tortillds. When he is grown
ku oaik teti huun. V Tiihi
up, he will give you an offering of fillets. When he is grown
ku qas eti.^
up, he will sacrifice to you.
No. 15
A jicara of posol distributed to each of the participants
Kulen, wuk^ in tiula teti.
Sit down, drink my offering of po8ol to you.
No. 16
Individual offering of a particle of the gift of posol
Tal u hoi, teti in Tume, in tiula
(Here) comes its top to you, my father, my offering of posol
1 The imperative does not seem to be used with ma when it has the idea of
prohibition. This is all in the second person and is addressed to the god. Freely,
do not allow evil to trample him (my son) under foot. In Chant No. 13, mau-
nSkt^intlk is in the third person. Freely, may evil not trample (my sons)
underfoot.
* The usual order in Maya is verb, subject, object.
» The noun subject following the verb and in apposition to the pronoun ex-
pressed in the verb is common in Maya.
4 Huun, literally, is paper. It is used to designate the bark pounded out
thin and used as fillets.
^ The whole range of offerings is often mentioned.
« The chant used over the other members of the family does not differ greatly
from that given over the son.
' In Yucatan the imperative would drop the w.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
CHANTS 177
teti tial yol in palal. tal u hoi teti,
to you for the health (of) my sons. (Here) comes its top to you,
in yume, tial yol in watan.
my father, for the health (of) my wife.
No. 17
Chant given during the fermentation of the ceremonial drink
Samoa 1 hule^ tin qer,' aamea^
The wood of the baltfte pass over my hands, the wood of the
hnle^ tin wok. Ten wa bolonki.
baltie pass over my feet. I am the one who carries out the office
Ten wa ioalenki.
of the first priest. I am the one who carries out the office of
Ten tulin tiake. Ten
the second priest. I am the one chosen to warm it. I am the
tnlin lokbanse.^ Ten tnlin pikutft*
one chosen to cause it to boil. I am the one chosen to stir it
yete tiakau.^ Tin walkiJ Ten tin
with a stick. I am mixing it. I am the one who causes it
lokbanse. Ten wa bolen.
to boil. I am the one who carries out the office of the first
Ten wa ioalen.
priest. I am the one who carries out the office of the second
He in oake yaftiko, larti^ main* qinam.
priest. I will cure it (with) green chilis this relieves the pain.
He in oake yafttiawa^^o larti baila tn tiital."
I will cure it (with) " Indian cAiK," this thus causes one to lie
down.
^ This is the name given to the tree the bark of which is called baltie, and
from the latter the ceremonial drink is made.
3 Hal is the root of the verb used when one is described as patting on his coat,
holik tin qer, or trousers, holik tin wok. The idea is of passing something
over the hands and the feet.
< See Chant 3, note 1.
* Labanaa is eqaal to lokanae and is translated freely by the word ferment.
* Literally, to press away with the bottom of the foot
^ Tiakaa is the wood called '^palo mulatto.'*^
7 "Walki is equivalent to waltik, to place that which is below above, to stir.
* Larti is equivalent to lerti.
* Main, literally, "goodens."
10 A particle of the different khids of chUi is thrown into the baltSe as it is in
the process of fermentation. Each is supposed to free the liquid of an evil effect
coming as a result of drinking large quantities.
^ There then follows a prayer to protect the fermenting liquor as it lies in the
open log from the wasps and bees of all kinds who might come and drink some
of the baltie. This is considered to be especially displeasing to the gods and
consequently harmful to men.
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178 MAYA8 AND LACAND0NE8
No. 18
Purification of the ceremonial drink contained in the hollow log
Torpen!! Torp! Ten tin tilBtal,^ tils
Break! Break! I am making incense, incense (beside?) the
tien' (be). Torpen! Torp! Ten tin mala iehi.^
hollow log. Break! Break! I am the one who relieves the vomit.
Ten tin main uyelaholaL Ten tin
I am the one who relieves the burning headache. I am the one
ma uqa> utie utftem.^
who does not peimit to get wet the sticks of the hollow log.
Ten tin main « hup nak.^
I am the one who makes good the movements of the bowels.
No. 19
Purification of the nodules of coped
Torpen! Torp I* In kinti.* Knileno!
Break! Break! I am half warming (you). Be alive I
Aheno ! ^^ Ma (ba) ka -wenen amerte. Ten tin waaa
Awake ! Do not sleep (but) work. I am the one who awakened
1 The idea is for the heat of the copal burned in the bark to cause the grains
of com heated in the fire to burst. The same word is used to describe the break-
ing of an eggshell by the newly bom chicken.
^ Tilatal is equivalent to pultal.
* Literally, tSem is cayuco, the Spanish name given to the dugout canoes,
which the hollow logs for holding the baltSe greatly resemble.
^ The purification rite is supposed to free the ceremonial drink from all the
evil effects coming as a consequence of drinking large quantities.
* The root qu or qui is equivalent to tiul, to wetten.
^ Great care is taken not to wet the cross sticks (tieutftem) placed along the
open top of the hollow log to prevent the covering of palm leaves falling into the
contents of the log.
^ Tliere then follows a prayer that there be no constipation and a plea for
the release from any other evil effects. Kiain, the inhabitant of the under world,
is placated so that he will not become angry at having left on any portion of the
ground the refuse of the body.
^ Grains of com are heated in the same way as in the purifying rite over the
open log of baltie. See note 1, Chant No. 18.
^ This and all that follows is addressed to the nodules of copal.
1^ I cannot explain the final o on these forms. There are many cases where
there are additional sounds added to a form which cannot readily be explained.
In other cases, sounds seem to be dropped. In the preceding word (kinti) the
form would, according to the Maya of Yucatan, have a final k sound.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
'- VTS 179
kutal. Ten tin lisa^ , kutal tnyok
(you) to life. I am the one who raised (you) up to life above
ftikal.s Ten tin kuitinta. Ten tin
the board. I am the one who reanimated (you). I am the one
-wassL kutaL Ten tin lisa
who awakened (you) to life. I am the one who raised (you)
kutal. Ten tin tftkn baker. Ten
up to life. I am the one who built up the skeleton. I am
tin tftkn hoi. Ten tin tftku
the one who built up the head. I am the one who built up the
eatot. Ten tin tftkn tamen. XTtSnaneti*
lungs. I am the one who built up the liver. For you an
napdil.^ XTtSnaneti wipbil.^ Ten tin
offering of baltie. For you an offering of baltie. I am the one
liaa kutal. Kuileno ! Aheno !
who raised (you) up to life. Awake I Be alive I
«
No. 20
An offering of baltie and cacao placed before the braseros
Tan in naaik in ha^ teti yetel n iau.
I am raising up my offering of baltie to you with its cacao.
Tan in paik teti in ha tiala kubik tik
I am giving you my offering of baltie for you to restore it to the
yum. Tan in oaik teti in ha tiala tnm.«
father. I am giving you my offering of posol for you yourself.
No. 21
An offering of bark fillets to the gods
H61a tiae huunki. Tin lati kuntik ta? hoi
Now accept the fillet. I am binding it around your head,
uhel a kunya tiala kunik in palal. Tiihi,
again for your welfare for you to guard my sons. When they
^ Ilia is the root of the verb meaning to pile up, and explains the process of
making the nodules. The idea is that each is constructed similar to the human
body with all of its organs.
^ Sikal is the flat board on which the nodules rest.
8 XTtSnaneti is equivalent to utilaleti and atnili.
* These two terms are the names of special offerings of baltie. See p. 102.
^ Literally, water. This is the term given in the chants to an offering of
baltie.
« This chant follows No. 6 very closely.
^ The t has a prepositional value and is not part of the possessive.
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180 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
in palal, ku qas eti. Tftaa
are grown up, my sons, they will sacrifice to you. Accept the
huonkii tiala kubtik yum. Tin lati ktintUc
fillets in order to restore it to the father. I am binding it aroond
ta hoi tial kunik in watan u mertik maao, a mertilc
your head for you to guard my wife who makes posol^ who makes
wa.
tortillas.
No. 22
Baltie administered to the hraseros in behalf of the gods
Ha> tan in Intiik ta t»i.
An offering of baltie I am dipping out upon your mouth.
Tan in oaikteti ha nhel a knnya
I am giving you an offering of baltse again for your welfare
tiala kubtik ynm. Ha tan in
for you to restore it to the father. An offering of baltie I am
lutiik ta tii tiala tmii, tiala tal
dipping out upon your mouth for you yourself, for you to come
awilik. Bmen, ile. Tan in bortiketi. Ha
and see. Come down, observe. I am paying you. An offering
tan in Intiik ' ta tii tiala wukik,
of baltie I am dipping out upon your mouth for you to drink,
nhel a knnya. Ha tan in oaik teti
again for your welfare. An offering of baltie I am giving you
ta tii, nhel a knnya. XTkuital in,
on your mouth, again for your welfare. Are enjoying life, my
palal. ha tan in oaik teti. XJknital
sons. An offering of baltie I am giving you. Is enjoying life,
in watan. Ha tan in paik teti ta tiU
my wife. An offering of baltse I am giving you on your mouth
nhel a knnya. In knital ttliken in qas
again for your welfare. I am enjoying life I alone I sacrifice
eti.»
to you.
1 The spirit of the brasero is addressed, and, as usual, asked to restore the
offering to the god to whom he is dependent.
2 See p. 179, n. 6.
* There is a part following which is the same as the last part of Chant No. 7,
with the change of the word tiula to ha.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
CHANTS 181
No. 23
An offering of baltie at the east of the sacred hut
(This is the same as Chant No. 9, with the change of the
word tiula to ha.)
No. 24
A /team of baltie distributed to each of the participants
(This is the same as Chant No. 16, with the change of the
word tftnla to ha or pokba.)
No. 25
Answer of those receiving the gift of baltie
Bai, hen wnkike keti.
Yes, I will drink to you.
No. 26
A Jicara of baltie given to each of the members of the family of the leader
of the rite
XTken!
Drink I (The answer is simply Bai, yes.)
No. 27
Individual offering of a small portion of the gift of baltie
(This is the same as Chant No. 16, with the change of the
word tsula to ha.)
No. 281
Bnliwa offered to the hraseros in behalf of the gods
Tiba buliwa, norwa,
In person, (accept) the offering of tamales^ the offering of thick
heretiwa,^ baha heretiwati,*
tortillas^ the offering of tortillas^ many an offering of tortillas^
yumbiliwati, oubiliwati,^
an offering of tortillas folded in leaves, an offering of thick
1 In the chants which are characterized by a slow delivery there is an almost
total absence of grammatical structure. (See p. 130.)
^ Hereti is equivalent to huruti, from htiti, to grind.
* Syllables are often added to fill out the measure.
* These are all terms for different combinations of offerings of com.
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182 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
kakotiwa,
tortillas folded in leaves, tortillas divided in halves, tortillas
oftkotiwa bahontqin, bahunthaap.
divided in thirds, for many days, for many years (have I offered
them).
No. 29
Baltde offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods
Tiba norkite, ba norkite,
In person receive with pleasure, thus receive with pleasure,
ba natSo boki, ba natio bukarutiki^ norkite,
thus far is the odor, thus far is the odor of vanilla, receive with
amanen eti knitaL^
pleasure, causes it to come to you the fact of its being alive.
XTmanen eti iq, bahontqin bahnnt
Causes it to come to you the wind, for many days, for many
haap. XTmanen eti kntttal
years. Causes it to come to you the fact of its being alive,
umanen eti iq. Norkite
causes it to come to you the wind. Receive with pleasure,
ba natio bukamti, ba natio bokL<
thus far is ttie odor of vanilla, thus far is the odor.
No. 30
The nodules of copal about to be offered to the gods
Bininka nasik in sil.
I am going to raise up my gifts.
No. 31
The nodules of copal offered at the east of the ceremonial hut
Tan in naaik in ail teti tial a -wemen awiUk in
1 am raising up my gifts to you for you to descend and see my
sU.« Tan in titiik teti in sU tial a
gifts. I am holding in my hands to you ray gifts for you
wemen awilik ak&nik.
to descend and see and learn.
^ The pod of the vanilla bean is added to the baltie during fermentation.
2 After fermentation sets in the baltie is supposed to have life.
• There follow several words which are incapable of translation.
* Bahonqn is often added at this place. This term is applied to the gods
taken collectively.
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CHANTS 183
No. 82
The nodules of cop€U offered to the braseros inside the ceremonial hut in
behalf of the gods
Tiba, yan iikalM tulis kiaanki i
In person (accept), here is the board of nodules full of ?
tulls qiqi. Tan iikalki
full of the gum of the rubber tree. Here is the board of nodules
tulls iH«anir<^ tuUa qlql Buhniqinki,'
full of ? full of the gum of the rubber tree, at daybreak,
Buhuiaqerki,* Belepqinki,^ selepaqerki,
at the beginning of night, in the afternoon, in the early morning,
emennaabinqinki,* emennaabinaqerki,
the sun in its course from east to west, the night in its course,
tiuyupqinkiy^ tiuyupaqerki, aelepqinki, aelepaqerki,
at midday, at midnight, in the afternoon, in the early morning,
Buhoiqinki, auhniaqerkl, bibiakanki^ bibismuyal,
at daybreak, at the beginning of night, alternation of sun and
bahuntqlnki, bahonthaap. Suhniqinki,
shade, for many days, for many years. At daybreak, at the
Buhniaqerki, aelepqinki, aelepaqerki,
beginning of night, in the afternoon, in the earl^ morning,
tulia kiaanki, tulia qiqi, wol iamatan.
full of ? full of the gum of the rubber tree, health is your
Tikukinta yoko yok,
gift (your right). I made them to sit down on (their) feet,
iikalki.
(on) the board.
No. 88
The nodules of coped distributed in the braseros
(The chant is the same as the first part of No. 5. The word
pom is changed to ail, gifts. The former word is used only
when the copal is in rough lumps.)
1 The meaning of kiaan is not clear. The final syllable ki is the same as that
added to many other words to fill out the measure, and has no meaning.
« Literally, virgin day.
> Literally, virgin night Aqer is equivalent to aqab, as qer, hand, is the
same as qab.
^ Literally, the sun on one side.
* A more correct form would be nakaemenbinqin, the sun in its ascending
and descending course.
> Literally, the sun suspended.
7 Bibia means to widen. The idea is that the heavens (kan) appear and
then disappear, owing to the clouds (muyal).
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
184 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
No. 34
Ad offering of meat placed before the hraseros in behalf of the gods
Tan in kubik in tut eU tial a kubik
I am restoring my offering of meat to you for you to restore it
tik yum, tial a naaik tik yum. Tan in oaik
to the father, for you to carry it up to the father. I am giving it
teti uhel a kunya, tial a tmu in tnt
to you again for your welfare, for you yourself my offering of
etft.
meat to you.
No. 35
A potion of the ceremonial drink given to the leader
Tan in tiUik tial a wukik uhel a
I am holding it in my hands for you to drink again for your
kunya.
welfare.
No. 36
A gift of meat offered to the hraseros in behalf of the gods
Tiba, in tutal. In oamati
In person (accept) my offering of meat. I gave it to you in
ututal, pokbaki,^ in Tumki,
the past the offering of meat, the cooked offering, my father,
bahuntqin, bahunthaap, heretibftk heretftseep,^ tiukuti
for many days, for many years, ground meat, fine posolj cooked
b&k, heretib&k, heretiUeep.^ Ba ututal, ba
meat, ground meat, tine posoL This, the offering of meat, this,
ututal, in Tumki, bahuntqin, bahunthaap.
the offering of meat, my father, for many days, for many years.
Umana bahuntqin, umana bahunthaap.^
Many days are coming, many years are coming.
No. 37
An offering of meat and buliwa administered to the hraseros
Tan in lapik ta tii, Tume, in norwa*
I am placing upon your mouth, O father, my offering of
1 Literally, the offering warmed or the thing warmed.
* Literally, the com ground fine for posoL
' Seep is equivalent to qeyen.
^ The idea is, I have done this for many days and many years in the past, and
I will make the offering many days and many years in the future.
^ The term buliwa is seldom used in the chants. Norwa is used in its place.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
CHANTS 185
teti, in tut, uhel a kunya,
tamales to you, my offering of meat, again for your welfare,
in norwa tetft, in tut (t)eti, Turn, — -
my offering of tumales to you, my offering of meat to you, - - - - ,
tan in oaik teti in norwa teti,^ in tut
I am giving you my offering of tamales to you, my offering of
eti, uhel a konya,^ uhel uknital in palal,'
meat to you, again for your welfare, again are living my sons,
uhel uknital in lak.
again are living my wife.
No. 38
The offering of meat and bnliwa presented at the east of the ceremonial hut
Tal abol in tut (t)ea, in
(Here) comes the top of my offering of meat to you, my offer-
norwa teti, Tume. Tiae in tut
ing of tamales to you, O father. Take my offering of meat to
(t)etiin norwa teU, tial n kuital
you, my offering of tamales to you, in behalf of them, enjoying
in palaly tial u kuital, in watan, umertik
life, my sons, in behalf of her, enjoying life, my wife, who makes
maao, umertik "wa.
posoiy who makes tortillas.
No. 39
The offering of meat and buliwa distributed to the participants
Tan in paik teti humpe lek^ tut uhel a kunya.
I am giving to you one vessel of meat again for your welfare.
Tan in oaik teti humpe lek norwa uhel a kunya.
I am giving you one vessel of tamales again for your welfare.
No. 40
Individual offering of a particle of the gift of meat and buliwa
Tal u hoi teti in norwa teti
(Here) comes its top to you my offering of tamales to you,
Tume. Tal u hoi teti in tut
O father. (Here) comes its top to you my offering of meat
(t)eti, Tume.
to you, O father.
1 Literally, I am giving it to you, my offering, etc
2 The meaning is, for your added welfare.
* This is difficult to translate. The meaning is, cause my sons to have an
added allotment of life.
^ Lek is a vessel made of the calabasa, a squashlike vegetable.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
186 MATA8 AND LACANB0NE8
No. 41
The last offering of posol to the old braseros
He kin luUik ta Ui in tftula tetft.
I will dip out upon your mouth my offering of po$ol to you.
He kin luUik itftU a l&kil^in Uula teti tial a
I will dip out into your olla my offering of po$ol to you for you
nakal kulul ta Uak.^ Ooki
to climb and sit down upon your resting place. It is ended
a iau. Ooki a tftula.
your offering of cacao. It is ended your offering of posol,
Ookin qaa etft. ookin bortik etft.
I have finished sacrificing to you. I have finished paying you
(with offerings)'
No. 42
The old braseros cleaned and the idols removed
Bin in kin oatie taho tftuk,* Tame. Baka
I am going to clean by removing the ash, O father. All the
tin tataUetik uian« in na tetft.
time I am digging with a stick the palm leaves, my house for you.
No. 48
The first offering made to the new braseros and the idols placed inside
the bowls
n, in lutSik ta tfti, Tame, qam-
See, I am dipping out upon your mouth, O father, the first
ki. n, in lutiik ta tfti tetft
offering. See, I am dipping out upon your mouth to you the
qamki uhel a kunya yokel a tnmu l&k.
first offering again for your welfare within your new olla.
Tin qapkuntik u ftan, in (n)a* tetft, Tume.
I place it (the idol) inside its palms, my house to you, O father.
1 A particle of the offering of posol is placed inside the olla at this time.
^ TSak, literally bed, is the name given to the shelf where the braseros are
kept when a rite is not in progress. In this chant the word refers to the rock on
which the old and dead braseros are placed at the end of the renewal ceremony,
» This is the copal ash of the previous sacrifices,
^ The idea seems to be that the copal corresponds to the paims (ian) covering
a house in that the ash protects the idol within.
^ The house refers to the new olla, the resting place of the idoL
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
CHANTS 187
n^ In pulik yokol utumu l&k, Tume.
See, I am placing it (the idol) inside the new olla, O father.
n, in masik a ian, in (n)a tetft yokol utnmu
See, I am changing its palms, my house for you within the new
l&k. n, in bortik eU nhel a
olla. See, I am paying you (with offerings) again for your
knnya. H, in bortik etft yokol a
welfare. See, I am paying you (with offerings) within your
tumu l&k uhel a kunya. Tin wala tetiki.^ H,
new olla again for your welfare. I promised you (this). See,
in oaik teti qiqi yokol
I give you an offering of the gum of the rubber tree within the
utumn Iftk. H in oaik tetft yokol a tumu l&k napdil,
new olla. See, I give you within your new olla an offering of
a matanki, uhel a kunya. Huun tin lat&kuntik
baltfte, your gift, again for your welfare. Fillets I bind around
ta hoi yokol utumu l&k, uhel a kunya, yetel
your head within the new olla^ again for your welfare, with
kab. Tikinnawa, in bortik eU. In kibaidk
honey. Totopostle^ 1 am paying you. My offering of baltia
et&, hen bortiket&e yokol a tumu l&k uhel a
to you, I will pay you within your new olla again for your
kunya.*
welfare.
No. 44
An offering of posol to the new braseros in behalf of the gods
Tan in naaik in Uula tet&. Koten ilik
I am raising up my offering of posol to you. Come and se^
a l&kil. Bmen ilik a l&kil, Tume.* Ku&,
your olla. Come down and see your olla^ O father. Live, O
l&k, in qaa et&.
olla^ I sacrifice to you.
No. 45
An offering of baltie administered to each of the braserUos
(The chant follows the first part of No. 22. The braseritos
are called ail, gifts, in ail tetft, my gifts to you. This is the
1 Literally, I told it to you.
' There often follows a promise to make other offerings.
' The name of the god to whom the brasero belongs is often added after the
title Tume. This is true in all the other chants.
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188 MAYA8 AND LACAND0NE8
same name given to the nodules of copaly and both play the
part of servants.) •
No. 46
An offering of baltfte given to the ceremonial jar
He kin lutiik ta tfti, in balki,
I am about to dip out upon your mouth, my great olla^ a small
uqimalu a matan.
offering of baltie, your gift.
No. 47
A gift of tobacco given to the braseros in behalf of the gods
He la koo, tin oaik teti, a liol,^ Tume. Qai*
Here is tobacco, I give it to you, its top, O father. A cigar,
tu in ouoihe, Tume.
then, I will smoke, O father.
No. 48
A gift of posol offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods
TIba> in Uula. Ba tioU.
In person (accept) my offering of poaol. Thus, the offering
Bahnntqin, bahnntaap, umanabahuntqin,
of posol. For many days, for many years, many days are coming,
umanabahnnthaap.^ Tiba, tftulaki.
many years are coming. In person, (accept) the offering otposoL
No. 49
A gift of frejoles offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods
He, u hoi,* a bunl tin oaik teti, Tame. He in
Here, its top, your frejoles I give to you, O father. I will
hantike.
(afterwards) eat them.
No. 50
A gift oi frejoles and tamcdes administered to the braseros
(The chant is the same as that used when the meat and the
boliwa are administered (No. 37), with the change of intntetft to
inbuultea.)
1 The hoi refers to the first tohacco of the year.
' Qaa, literally, is handle.
* This chant is delivered slowly and is the same in character as that given when
the nodules of copal are presented to the braseros inside the sacred hat (No. 82).
« See Chant No. 86, note 4.
^ See Chant No. 47, note 1. T\ie frejoles are the first of the season.
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CHANTS 189
No. 51
Tbe cbant used when a journey is to be undertaken
Ma utiibal kan, ma
Do not permit to bite (him) the serpent, do not permit to
nUibal balum. Tnkubin .^ Ma
bite (him) the tiger. He is going Do not permit to
ukanan yok. Ma ola tietik
be tired the feet. Do not permit the bottom of the foot, to cut,
utftantSe.^
a sharp stick.
1 The name of the person is inserted at this place.
« There often follows a prayer for freedom from fever and other hardships.
(See Chant No. 14.)
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BIBLIOGRAPHY »
Aguilar, Sanchez de.
1639, Inf orme contra Idolumm Cultores del Obispado de Yucatan ; Madrid,
8°, 124 leaves.
Bandelier, Adolf F.
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Berendt, Carl Hermann.
1867, Report of explorations in Central America ; in Smithsonian Report,
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Brasseur de Bourbourg, Charles J^tienne.
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Biinton, Daniel Garrison.
1882, The Maya Chronicles {Library of Aboriginal Literature, Noc 1) ;
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1882, a, The graphic system and ancient records of the Mayas (an intro-
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1897, Religions of primitive peoples ; New York, 8**.
Casares, David.
1905, A notice of Yucatan with remarks on its water supply ; in Proceed-
ings of the American Antiquarian Society, Vol. XVII (N. S.); Part II,
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Charnay, D^sir^.
1882, Voyage au Yucatan et au pays des Lacandons ; in Compte Rendu de
la Societe de Geographic de Paris, pp. 529-553, also in Tour de Monde,
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1887, The ancient cities of the new world, being travels and explorations
in Mexico and Central America from 1857-1882; London, 8% pp. 514.
(This is practically the translation of the French edition of 1885.)
Cogolludo, Diego Lopez.
1688, Historia de Yucatan ; Madrid, 4% pp. 791.
Cortes, Hernando.
1866, Cartas y relaciones al Emperador Carlos V ; Paris, 8**, pp. 575.
See also under Kingsborough and Hakluyt Society.
Cortesianus Codex, See Rada y Relgado, 1893.
^ This bibliography consists only of works to which reference has been made
in the text.
191
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192 MATA8 AND LACAND0NE8
Diaz del Castillo, Bernal.
1032, Historia verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva Espaiia; Madrid, L
8^ pp. 256.
Di-esden Codex, See Fdrstemann, 1880 and 1892.
Forstemann, Ernst.
1880, Die Maya-Handschrift der Koniglichen offentlichen Bibliothek zu
Dresden ; Leipzig, 4% Preface pp. xvii, 74 colored plates.
1892, Second edition of the above, Dresden.
1902, Commentar zur Madrider Mayahandschrift (Codex Tro-Corte-
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Gralindo, Juan.
1834, Description de la Riviere Usumasinta dans le Guatimala; in iVoti-
velles Annates des Voyage ^ 3d Series, Vol. Ill, Paris, pp. 147-151.
Garcia, Manuel Rejon.
1905, Supersticiones y leyendas Mayas ; Merida, 8°, pp. 147.
1905, a, Los Mayas primitivos ; Merida, 12% pp. 124.
Hakluyt Society.
1868, The fifth letter of Cortes ; London, 8°, pp. 156.
Herrera y Tordesillas, Antonio de.
1601-1615, Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas j
tierra firme del mar Oc^ano ; Madrid, 4 vols.
Holmes, William H.
1895-1897, Archaeological studies among the ancient cities of Mexico;
Field Museum of Natural History,' Publications 8 and 16, AntkropologuxU
Series, VoL I, No. 1, Chicago.
Kingsborough, Lord (King, Edward).
1831-1848, Antiquities of Mexico ; London, folio, 9 vols.
Landa, Diego de.
1864, Relacidn de las cosas de Yucatan ; Spanish text with French trans-
lation published by Brasseur de Bourbourg in Paris. 8% pp. 516.
(The references in the text are to this edition.) Spanish edition pub-
lished by Juan de Dios de la Rada y Delgado, Madrid, 1884, as an ap-
pendix to his translation of Leon de Rosny's article, Essfd sur le
d^hiffrement de T^riture hi^ratique de TAmerique Centrale. Sec-
ond Spanish edition in Coleccidn de Documentos in^ditos (2d Series),
Madrid, 1900, Vol. XIII, pp. 265-411.
Lizana, Bernardo de.
1633, Historia de Yucatan. Devocionario de Nuestra Sefiora de Izamal, y
Conquista Espiritual ; Yalladolid, 8^ (Published in part by Brasseur
de Bourbourg.)
Maler, Teoberto.
1901-1903, Researches in the Usumasintla Valley ; in Memoirs of the Pea-
body Museum, Vol. II, Cambridge, 4®, pp. 216, plates 80.
Margil, Antonio.
1696, Testimonio de diferentes cartas y provincias dadas al pueblo de
Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores de los Lacandoues. Ms. in Archivo Gren-
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 198
eral de Indias, Seville. Estante 69, Cajon 1, Legajo 2, Folio 29. (A
small portion of this letter was published by Marimon y Tudd, in Zeit-
sckrift/Ur Ethnologie, 1882, pp. 130-132.
Maudslay, Alfred P.
• 1883, Explorations in Guatemala and examination of the newly discov-
ered Indian ruins of Quirigua, Tikal and the Usumacinta ; in Proceed-
ings of the Royal Geographical Society y pp. 185-204.
1889-1902, Biologia Centrali- Americana, or Contributions to the knowl-
edge of the flora and fauna of Mexico and Central America. Archie-
ology ; Text and plates, London.
Mercer, Henry C.
1897, The kabal or potter's wheel of Yucatan ; in BtiUetin, Free Museum
of Science and Art, University of Pennsylvania, Vol. I, No. 1.
Millspaugh, Charles F.
1896-1904, Contributions to the flora of Yucatan ; in Publications of the
Field Museum of Natural History, Botanical Series, Vol. I, pp. 1-66,
277-339, 340-410; Vol. II, No. 1, Part 1, No. 2, Part 1 a ; Vol. m, Noe.
1 and 2.
Molina Solis, Juan Francisco.
1896, Historia del descubrimiento y conquista de Yucatan con una resefia
de la historia antigua de esta peninsula ; Merida, 8% pp. 911.
1904, Historia de Yucatan durante la Dominacion Espaiiola; VoL I,
Merida, 8% pp. 359.
Nadaillac, Jean Francois Albert du Pouget
1884, Prehistoric America ; New York, 8°, pp. 566. (English translation
of the French edition of 1883, Paris.)
^ Nuttall, Zelia.
1904, A penitential rite of the ancient Mexicans; in Pedbody Museum
Papers, Vol. I, No. 7, Cambridge, pp. 439-462, 4 plates.
Palma y Palma, Euloio.
1901, Los Mayas; Motul (Yucatan), 8*», pp. 753.
Pefiafiel, Antonio.
1890, Monumentos del arte Mexicano antiguo, ornamentacion, mitologia '
tributos, y monumentos ; Berlin, folio, 3 vols.
Peresianus Codex, See Rosny, 1887.
Ponce, Alonso.
Relacion Breve y Verdadera de Algunas Cosas de las muchas que sucedi-
eron al Padre Fray Alonso Ponce, Commissario General, en las Provincias
de la Nueva Espafia ; in Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de
Espana,\o\. LVIIL
^ Rada y Delgado, Juan de Dios de la.
1893, Codice Maya denominado Cortesianus que se conserva en el Museo
Arqueologio Nacional, Madrid ; 42 colored plates.
Relacidn de los Pueblos de Carapocolche y Chochola.
1890, in Colleccidn de Documentos ineditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista
y organizaci6n de las antiguas posesiones Espanolas de Ultramar (2d Se-
ries), Madrid, Vol. XHI, pp. 177-195.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
194 MATA8 AND LAC AN DON E8
Relacidn de Cicontiim.
1900, (see above) Vol. XI, pp. 199-209.
Belacidn del Pueblo de Dohot, y Cabecera de Tetzimin.
1900, (see above) Vol. XIII, pp. 204-223.
Relacidn de Pueblo de Mama.
1900, (see above) Vol. XI, pp. 169-174.
Relacida de la Ciudad de Merida.
1900, (see above) Vol XI, pp. 37-75.
Relacida de Mutul.
1900, (see above) Vol. XI, pp. 75-88.
Relacidn de los Pueblos de Popola, y Sinsimato y SamioL
1900, (see above) Vol. XIU, pp. 41-49.
Relacidn de Quizil y Sitipeche.
1900, (see above) Vol. XI, pp. 209-220.
Relacidn de Tahzib.
1900, (see above) Vol. XI, pp. 185-190.
Relacidn de la Ciudad de VaUadolid.
1881, In Adas del Congreso Internacional de Americanisteu, Madrid, VoL XL
1900, (see above) Vol. XUI, pp. 3-40.
Rosny, Leon de. -
1887, Codex Peresianus, Manuscrit hi^ratique des anciens Indiens de TAixi^
rique Centrale conserve a la Biblioth^ue National de Paris, avec one
introducion ; Paris.
Salisbury, Stephen.
1878, Terra-cotta figure from the Isla de Mugeres ; in Proceedings of the
American Antiquarian Society, No. 71.
Sapper, Karl.
1891, Ein besuch bei den dstlicbeti Lacandonen; in Ausland,Y o\. LXIV,
pp. 892-895.
1895, Die unabhangigen Indianerstaaten von Yukatan ; in Globus, Vol.
LXVir, pp. 197-201. (See 1904.)
1897, Das ndrdliche Mittel-Amerika nebst einen ausflug nach dem hoch-
land von Anahuac. Reisen und Studiem aus den Jahren 1888-1895;
Braunschweig, pp. 436, 8 maps.
1903, Mittelamerikanische Waffen im modemen Gebrauche; in Globus,
Vol. LXXXIII, pp. 53-63.
1904, Transition of 1895 in Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 28,
pp. 623-634, Washington.
1904, a, Der gegenwartige Stand der ethnographischen Kenntnis von
Mittelamerika ; in Archiv /Ur Anthropologie (N. S.), Vol. Ill, Part 1,
pp. 1-38, 7 plates.
1905, Der Charakter der Mittelamerikanischen Indianer ; in Globus, Vol.
LXXXVII, pp. 128-131.
Saville, Marshall H.
1897, Maya musical instruments; in American Anthropologist, Vol. X, pp.
272-273.
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BIBLIOOBAPHT 195
Schellhas, Paul.
1890, Vergleichende Studien auf dem Felde der Maya-Alterthiiraer ; in In-
ternationales Archiv fiir Ethnographies Vol. Ill, pp. 209-231. (See
1904, a.)
1897, Die Gottergestalten der Mayahandschrif ten ; Berlin, 8*^, pp. 34. (See
1904.)
1904, Second edition of the preceding, Berlin, pp. 42. English translation
of the second edition in Papers of the Peabody Museum^ Vol. IV, No. 1,
Cambridge.
1904, a. Translation of 1890 in Bureau of American Ethnology y Bulletin 28,
pp. 591-622.
Seler, Eduard.
1895, Alterthiimer aus Guatemala; in Veroffentlichungen aus dem Konig-
lichen Museum fiir Volkerkunde, Vol. IV, Part 1, pp. 21-53. (See 1904.)
1899, Mittelamerikanische Musikinstrumente ; in Globus, Vol. LXXIII,
pp. 109-112, also in Vol. II of his collected works, pp. 695-703.
1900-1901, Tonalamatl Aubin (Manuscrits Mexicains, No. 18-19) (Eng-
lish Edition), Berlin, pp. 147, plates 19.
1901, Die alten Ansiedelungen von ChacuU im Distrikte Nenton des De-
partments Huehuetenango der Kepublik Guatemala; Berlin, 4°, pp.
233; 50 plates; 2 maps.
1904, English translation of 1895, in Bureau of American Ethnology, Bul-
letin 28, pp. 75-122, Washington.
Starr, Frederick.
1902, Physical character of the Indians of Southern Mexico ; in University
of Chicago, Decennial Publications, Vol. IV, Chicago, 4°, pp. 59, 1 plate.
1902, a. Notes upon the Ethnography of Southern Mexico ; Part II (Ex-
pedition of 1902) ; in Proceedings of the Davenport Academy of Sciences,
Vol. IX.
1903, The sacred spot in Maya Indians; in Science, Vol. XVII, No. 428,
pp. 132-133.
Stephens, John L.
1841, Incidents of travel in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan;
2 vols., New York.
1843, Incidents of travel in Yucatan ; 2 vols., New York.
Troano Codex, see Brasseur de Bourbourg, 1869-1870.
Villagutierre Soto Mayor, Juan.
1701, Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza, reduccion, y pro-
gresses de la de el Lacandon, y otras naciones de indios barbaros, de la
mediacion de el reyno de Guatimala, a las provincias de Yucatan, en la
America Septentrional, Madrid, 4% pp. 660.
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Plate I.
Diego de Landa, first bishop of Yucatan and author of
<< Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan." From a painting in the
Cathedral at Izamal, Yucatan.
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Plate IL
Fig. 1. — Usumacinta River, seven leagues above Tenosique,
looking southward.
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Fig. 2. — Usumacinta River, seven leagues above Tenosique, looking
northward.
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Plate IIL
Fig. 1. — The grand cenote at Chichen Itza, Yucatan.
Fig. 2. — Lacandone woman carrying child on hip.
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Plate IV.
Fio. 1. — Group of Lacandones near Laguna Petha, Chiapas.
Fig. 2. «- Group of Lacandoues on the Lacantun Riyer.
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Plate VI.
Fig. 1. — Lacandone boy and girl, showing the method
of dressing the children.
Fig. 2. — Two Maya women and child, showing the costume ofj^l^® Xoi@^qqTp
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Plate VIL
1^
Fio. 1. — Maya at the Temple of the Tables, Chichen Itza.
Fio. 2. — T
LVo Mayas in working costume, from ^^^^^^ ^^QoOqIc
vicinity of Valladolid, Yucatan. ^
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Plate Vin.
Fig. 1. — A typical settlement of the Lacandones, showing
the huts almost hidden in the growing corn. The roof in the
foreground is that of the ceremonial hut, and directly behind that
of the shelter, where the offerings are prepared. The roof at the
left is that of the domestic house. The view is from the east.
'
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1
1
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Fig. 2. — A view of the same settlement as that shown in
Fig. 1 from the south, showing the character of the forest sur-
rounding the portion cleared.
Fig. 3. — A typical shelter among the Lacandones, show-
ing the open ends and the manner in which the sides are ^^ ^
protected by the overhanging roof. Digitized by CjOOQ IC
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Plate IX.
Fig. 1. — Maya woman grinding com with stone metate.
Fig. 2. — Maya woman molding and baking tortillas, zed byCjOOQlC
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Plate X.
Fig. 1. — Lacandone shooting with native bow and arrow.
Fig. 2. — Lacandone youth shooting fish with how
and arrow from the end of a canoe. ^.g.^.^^^ ^^ GoOglc
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Plate XI.
Fig. 1. — Lacandone woman spinniDg the
native cotton. The spindle rests in a gourd and
the mass of crude cotton rests on the shoulder.
Fig. 2. — Lacandone woman beginning the weaving of a piece of cloth on
the native loom.
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Plate XII.
Fig. 1. — Lacandone loom, with utensils for weaving.
Fio. 2. — Portion of Lacandone hammock.
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Plate XIII.
Figs. 1 and 2. — The front and rear view of the ceremonial robe worn
by the leader of the encampment where most of the rites were observed.
He carries in his right hand the ceremonial rattle.
the
Fig. 3. — Maya woman modeling a water jar, showing
method of turning the vessel with the foot. OoOqIc
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Plate XIV.
Fio. 1. — Lacaudoue shell necklace.
Fio. 2. — Olla used to place over the barning
copal in which to catch the soot.
Fig. 3. — Lacandoue oboe.
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Plate XV.
■■^•■: •■••.1]
^^ l^/^/a
Fig. 1. — Design in black, red, and blue on ceremonial robe.
Fig. 2. — Typical Lacandone in cense -burner
of the type found in the vicinity of Lake Petha,
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Plate XVI.
Fig. 1. — Incense-bunier found in
ruins of Labua, Yucatan.
Fio«2. — Incense-burner from the Island of Cozumel, off
the eastern coast of Yucatan.
Fig. 3. — Incense -burner from
the Hondo River.
Fig. 5. — Lacandone incense-burner, the exact
locality of which is unknown.
Fig. 4. — Incense-burner from
the Hondo River.
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Plate XVII.
jwfn
Fig. 1. — Incense-
burner from Zachila,
Oaxaca.
Fig. 2. — Head of an incense-
burner of the type usually found
to the south and east of Yaxchilan.
Fig. 3. — Head of an incense-burner of
the type usually found to the south and
east of Yaxchilan.
Fig. 4. — Incense-
burner of the southern
Yaxchilan type.
Fig. 5. — Incised incense-burner.
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Plate XVm.
Fio. 1. — Mayas dancing.
Fig. 2. — Lacandone chanting before two hraseritos in a consecration ritel^y^^
The remains of an offering of food is seen on the mouths.
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Plate XIX.
Fig. 1. — Animal of clay made by the Lacandones and now used by the
children as a plaything. The real function of the bowl on the back of the
animal is a receptacle for holding the incense.
Fig. 2. — Lacandone incense-burner of the smallest type, used by the
father in instructing the boys concerning the observances of the religious
rites and especially in that of chanting. It is used, within certain bounds,
by the children as a plaything.
Fig. 3. — Arm from a handled incense-burner from the UUoa River,
Honduras.
Fig. 4. — Wooden beater for pounding out bark cloth.
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Plate XX.
Fig. 1. — Group of incense-burners from the northeast corner of the cere-
monial hut. The brasero with the projecting arm is seen in the front row.
The flat board for offering the nodules of copal is in the background. The
hammock in the foreground is the one in which the leader of the encamp-
ment sleeps during the progress of the renewal rites.
Fig. 2. — Ceremonial drum of the Lacandones, showing the head similar
to those of the braseros and the method of attaching and tightening ^e
head of the drum.
Fig. 3. — Lacandone chanting before the old incense-burners to which an
offering of posol contained in the gourds had been made. The carpet of
leaves on wnich the braseros and the offering rest is seen. This rite is be-
fore the ** death" of the old ollas, when they are replaced by a new set
together with a large number of hraseritos. These old incense bowls are> t
blackened by the smoke of many offerings of incense. Digitized by vjOOQ IC
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Plate XXI.
Fio. 1. — A typical incense-burner of the Lacandones, ^ith its offering
of baltie contained in the gourd, together with a cigar made of the first
tobacco of the year. The palm leaves in front of the brasero are those used
to wave in the smoke of the incense at the same time as a chant is in
progress.
Fig. 2. — Lacandone, with palm leaves, chanting in behalf of the child
before him. The bark fillet is also seen around his head.
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Plate XXII.
Fig. 1. — Lacandone youth with his share of an offering of posol after it
had been administered to the gods.
Fig. 2. — Lacandone pounding the sugar-cane to extract the juice in one
of the hollow logs in which the ceremonial drink is mixed. The log cov-
ered with palm leaves on the extreme right is that in which the baltie
is allowed to ferment.
Fig. 3. — The two hollow logs containing the ceremonial drink. That
on the right is uncovered and shows the baltie in process of fermentation.
In front of the log slightly to the left is the jar which is filled with baltie
from the log, and from which the gourds are filled.
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Fio. 8.
Plate XXIII.
Fig. 1. — Board on which nodules of copal are
offered to the gods in a body before being taken olE
and distributed in the incense-burners. Collected
by Mr. Maler.
Fie. n
Figs. 2 and 3. — Nodules of copal found in connection with archaeological work in northern
Yucatan.
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Plate XXIV.
Fig. 1. — A leader in one of the Lacandone rites sitting on the low
wooden stool behind the jar containing the ceremonial drink, with which
he is filling the gourds to place before the incense-burners.
Fig. 2. — Jar containing baltie, with the low seat of the leader directly
behind it and the jicaras to be filled with the ceremonial drink. The cere-
monial band of bark is seen around the jar. The cloth on the top is that
used in straining the baltie.
Fig. 3. — Lacandone offering the board of nodules of copgl-^^hsQi^QQ^Q
of the ceremonial hut. o
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Plate XXV.
Fio. 1. — Lacandone with slain monkey, the meat of
which is about to be offered to the gods.
Fig. 2. - Lacandone making ceremonial fire. ^.^.^.^^^ ^^ GoOqIc
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Plate XXVL
Fig. 1. — Lacandone, showing poncho spotted with achiote and the cere-
monial band of bark around his head.
Fig. 2. — Group of incense-burners (Jbraseros and braseritos) from the
northwest comer of the sacred hut. The ceremonial drum is seen at>the t
left of the post. Digitized by VjOOglC
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Plate XXVIL
Fig. 1. — Group of incense-burners from the south, showing the round
gourds containing an offering of baltie and flat vessels containing boliwa.
The ceremonial drum is seen in the background at the left.
Fio. 2. — Lacandones with carrying nets containing the " dead ** incense-
burners which they are carrying to deposit under a cliff.
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Plate XXVIII.
Three of the fifteen figures once supporting an altar which stood at the
entrance of the Upper Chamber of the Temple of the Tigers, Chichen Itza.
These and similar figures are supposed to represent the Saiyamw'inkooby
who lived in the first period of the existence of the world.
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Plate XXIX.
Fig. 1. — Three Maya brothers offering nine gourds of posol in their milpa
to the spirits of the wind.
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Fig. 2. — The owner of the - pa offering the nine jicaras of ^ i
posol, showing the cross t up under the line of gourdSi^ed by VjOOg IC
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REPORT OF THE FELLOW IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY
1902-1905
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF
THE MAYAS AND WE LACATOONES
BY
ALFRED M. TOZZER, Ph.D.
/
NEW YORK
PUBLI8HBD FOR THK ARCHAEOLOGICAL IK8TITUTB
OF AMBRICA BT
Elie iHacmtUan Compans
64-66 Fifth Avsnub
LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd.
1907
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HARVARD UNIVERSITY.
LIBRARY
OF TH8
PEABODT MUSEUM OF AMEWOAN
AROKEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY.
GIFT OF
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